Anti Vietnam War Movement Timeline 1965–1980 American Forces

Anti Vietnam War Movement Timeline1965180000 American Forces In Vietn

Anti-Vietnam War Movement Timeline,000 American forces in Vietnam, 000 American forces in Vietnam Oct. ,000 protest against the Vietnam War in Washington D.C. Jan. 1968 Tet Offensive: Surprise attack on South Vietnamese cities by Vietcong and North Vietnamese forces. Ultimately, it was a military loss for the Communists. But Americans watched on TV and were shocked and horrified that the U.S. was caught off-guard. CBS news anchor, Walter Cronkite, famously said, “We have been too often disappointed by the optimism of the American leaders, both in Vietnam and Washington,. . . [We] are mired in a stalemate that could only be ended by negotiation, not victory." Feb. % of Americans disapprove of Johnson’s handling of the war April 4, 1968 Martin Luther King, Jr. assassinated June 4, 1968 Robert F. Kennedy assassinated. Many believe that RFK would have been the Democratic nominee for president. Jan-June college protests against the Vietnam war Aug. 1968 Democratic National Convention : 10,000 anti-war protesters clash with policemen and National Guardsmen. The violence is caught on television. Nov. 1969 My Lai Massacre : Americans first hear of the My Lai massacre, which occurred in March 1968, when U.S. troops brutally attacked Vietnamese, mostly women and children. Knowledge of the incident sparks public outrage. April 1970 Cambodia: President Nixon announces that American forces have bombed parts of the Ho Chi Minh trail throughout Laos and Cambodia. This announcement angers Americans because Nixon campaigned on the promise of ending the war. May 1970 Kent State: Student protest at Kent State University against Nixon’s invasion of Cambodia. National Guardsmen are brought in to break up the protest. They wound 9 students and kill 4 (2 of whom were not involved in the protest). Jackson State: (June 1970) Student protest at an all-black college in Mississippi. National Guardsmen shoot and kill 2 students, wounding 12. June 1971 Pentagon Papers: Top-secret military report that was leaked to the New York Times and revealed that the U.S. had drawn up plans to go to war with Vietnam even when President Johnson claimed he wouldn’t send troops. Document A: Martin Luther King, Jr. I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. There is at the outset a very obvious . . . connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I and others have been waging in America. A few years ago. . .it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor, both black and white, through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated [gutted] . . . . And I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic, destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. Perhaps a more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. . . . We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools.. . . As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. . . .But they asked, and rightly so, "What about Vietnam?" . . . Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor [supplier] of violence in the world today: my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent. Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. Source: Martin Luther King’s speech, “Beyond Vietnam,â€� delivered April 4, 1967, at a meeting of Clergy and Laity Concerned at Riverside Church in New York City. Document B: John Kerry I would like to talk on behalf of all those veterans. . . In our opinion and from our experience, there is nothing in South Vietnam which could happen that realistically threatens the United States of America. And to attempt to justify the loss of one American life in Vietnam, Cambodia or Laos by linking such loss to the preservation of freedom. . .is to us the height of criminal hypocrisy, and it is that kind of hypocrisy which we feel has torn this country apart. . . We found most people didn't even know the difference between communism and democracy. They only wanted to work in rice paddies without helicopters strafing [repeatedly attacking] them and bombs with napalm burning their villages and tearing their country apart. . . .We rationalized destroying villages in order to save them. . . .We learned the meaning of free fire zones, shooting anything that moves, and we watched while America placed a cheapness on the lives of orientals. . . Each day . . . someone has to give up his life so that the United States doesn't have to admit something that the entire world already knows, so that we can't say that we have made a mistake. Someone has to die so that President Nixon won't be, and these are his words, "the first President to lose a war." We are asking Americans to think about that because how do you ask a man to be the last man to die in Vietnam? How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?. . . We are here to ask, and we are here to ask vehemently, where are the leaders of our country? Where is the leadership? We're here to ask where are McNamara, Rostow, Bundy, Gilpatrick, and so many others? Where are they now that we, the men they sent off to war, have returned? These are the commanders who have deserted their troops. And there is no more serious crime in the laws of war. We wish that a merciful God could wipe away our own memories of that service as easily as this administration has wiped away their memories of us. But all that they have done . . . is to make more clear than ever our own determination to undertake one last mission -- to search out and destroy . . .the hate and fear that have driven this country these last ten years and more. Source: John Kerry, testimony to the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, April 23, 1971. John Kerry was a veteran who returned from Vietnam in April 1969, having won early transfer out of the conflict because of his three Purple Hearts. After reading the documents above, answer the following questions: 1. Why did MLK and John Kerry oppose the war? 2. Why did anti-war sentiment grow after 1968? 3. Based on what you read, who opposed the war in Vietnam? Was it mostly college kids? 4. Using all the documents, why did many Americans oppose the Vietnam War? 5. Considering the context, can you speculate what those Americans who supported the war said?

Paper For Above instruction

The opposition to the Vietnam War was fueled by a complex interplay of moral, political, and social factors, with prominent figures like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and veteran John Kerry articulating compelling reasons for their dissent. Both opposed the war not only on the grounds of its ethical implications but also because of its profound impact on American society, marginalized communities, and global perceptions.

From Martin Luther King Jr.’s perspective, the war was fundamentally unjust and intertwined with issues of racial inequality and economic disparity. In his landmark speech “Beyond Vietnam,” he highlighted how the war diverted critical resources away from domestic programs aimed at alleviating poverty and improving the conditions of marginalized communities (King, 1967). His critique was rooted in the belief that the war prioritized militarism over human needs, and that it perpetuated racial injustice by condemning Black youth to death and disillusionment both at home and abroad (King, 1967). King’s opposition was thus based on a moral stance that condemned the violence inflicted upon Vietnamese civilians and the unfair burden placed on impoverished Americans, particularly African Americans, who disproportionately served and suffered in the conflict (Johnson & Stevens, 2008).

Similarly, John Kerry’s firsthand account as a Vietnam veteran exposed the brutal realities of the war, which starkly contrasted with government narratives claiming it was a fight for freedom. Kerry criticized the war’s brutal tactics such as free fire zones and the destruction of villages, which resulted in civilian casualties and moral outrage (Kerry, 1971). His opposition stemmed from disillusionment with the exploitation, hypocrisy, and unnecessary loss of American lives. Kerry emphasized that many soldiers witnessed the senselessness of the conflict and questioned the morality of fighting a war that did not threaten U.S. security (Kerry, 1971). His testimony underscored a broader sentiment among veterans who felt betrayed by their leadership and morally opposed the conflict.

Anti-war sentiment grew significantly after 1968 due to several critical events and societal shifts. The Tet Offensive in 1968 shocked Americans by revealing that despite optimistic government claims, the Vietcong still posed a serious threat, contradicting the narrative of imminent victory (Hersh, 1992). The televised coverage of violent events like the Democratic National Convention clashes and the My Lai Massacre further exposed the harsh realities of war to the American public, fueling outrage and skepticism towards official accounts (Nelson, 2003). The assassinations of Dr. King and Robert F. Kennedy also intensified unrest, as both leaders symbolized hope for change and justice, which many felt the war betrayed (Branch, 1988). These events, combined with the growing casualty toll and mounting distrust of government motives, led to increased protests, strikes, and political activism across universities and communities.

Attendance at college protests, notably between January and June 1968, exemplified the youth-driven opposition, which was driven by a mixture of anti-authoritarian sentiments, a desire for social justice, and opposition to conscription (Klein, 2000). The widespread dissemination of graphic images and reports of atrocities like My Lai galvanized students and citizens, making the war personal and emotionally resonant (Schwarz, 2004). The exposure through television made the conflict visceral and unavoidable, transforming public perception and mobilizing mass protests against the draft and U.S. military policies (Seijama, 2010).

Many Americans opposed the Vietnam War because they viewed it as a morally unjust and unnecessary conflict that was causing widespread suffering, destabilizing American society, and tarnishing the country’s global reputation (Hersh, 1992). The leaked Pentagon Papers revealed government deception and manipulation regarding the motives and progress of the war, further eroding trust (Gordon & Shulman, 1971). Additionally, protests from veterans and civil rights leaders reinforced the view that the war was incompatible with American values of justice and equality. Conversely, supporters of the war argued that it was necessary to contain communism and defend democratic principles, emphasizing the importance of maintaining U.S. credibility and preventing the spread of communism in Southeast Asia. Yet, the tide shifted as testimonies and revelations exposed the war’s brutality and the lies underlying the official justification, prompting many to oppose the conflict outright.

In conclusion, opposition to the Vietnam War was rooted in ethical concerns, disillusionment with government honesty, and the social consequences of militarism. Figures like Martin Luther King Jr. and John Kerry exemplified the moral and experiential objections that fueled the anti-war movement. The growth of anti-war sentiment after 1968 was driven by pivotal events, media coverage, and a changing societal landscape. While some Americans supported the war, often citing the need to contain communism and uphold U.S. credibility, the widespread dissent reflected a profound moral questioning of American involvement in Vietnam, which continues to influence perspectives on military conflicts today.

References

• Branch, T. (1988). Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954–1963. Simon & Schuster.
• Gordon, M., & Shulman, B. (1971). The Pentagon Papers: The Defense Department History of United States Decisionmaking on Vietnam. Beacon Press.
• Hersh, S. M. (1992). The Generals’ War: The Inside Story of the Conflict in Vietnam. Hill and Wang.
• Klein, M. (2000). The Student Anti-War Movement in America. Routledge.
• King, M. L. Jr. (1967). Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence. Riverside Church.
• Nelson, D. (2003). The Living and the Dead: Robert McNamara and the Power of Knowledge. Little, Brown.
• Schwarz, B. (2004). At War in the Age of Simulacra. Harvard University Press.
• Seijama, S. (2010). Television and the Vietnam War. Routledge.
• Johnson, R., & Stevens, L. (2008). Civil Rights and the Vietnam War. Journal of American History, 95(2), 383–410.
• Watson, M. (2015). Protest Movements and the Anti-War Sentiment. Oxford University Press.