Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, And Research Example ✓ Solved

54 Chapter 2 Paradigms Theory And Researchexample Is Not A Scientif

Constructing social science theories often begins with observation, which serves as a springboard for developing broader explanations of social phenomena. The inductive method involves observing aspects of social life and identifying patterns that may point to universal principles. Grounded theory, a term coined by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss in 1967, is a common approach where theories are developed directly from field research through the observation of ongoing events.

Erving Goffman exemplifies this approach by observing social behaviors in depth to uncover underlying rules governing interactions. His qualitative field research uncovered the rules of behavior in diverse contexts, such as mental health institutions and managing disfigurement, offering valuable insight into social life through detailed observation and analysis.

An additional example illustrating inductive theory construction uses quantitative methods: a study on marijuana use among college students at the University of Hawaii in the 1960s and 1970s. The research aimed to understand why some students smoked marijuana while others did not. Data analysis revealed that demographic variables such as gender, ethnicity, and living arrangements independently influenced marijuana use, with women, Asian students, and students living at home being less likely to smoke. These findings challenged common explanations that linked drug use to academic failure or rejection of middle-class values. Instead, the analysis revealed nuanced patterns, supporting the inductive approach of building theory from observed data.

Historical social research also demonstrates theory development, such as the study of political maneuverings related to monopolies from the 1880s to WWI, where theories informed research, and vice versa. Similarly, Kebede and Knottnerus (1998) investigated Rastafarianism in the Caribbean, critiquing resource mobilization theory for neglecting participants’ motivations and perceptions. They incorporated concepts from social psychology and utilized archival, observational, and interview data to understand social movements more comprehensively.

The iterative relationship between theory and research underscores that social science lacks a rigid formula. Both logical reasoning and observation are essential activities that, when combined in various patterns, advance understanding. Theories serve practical purposes, such as informing social reform efforts. Lester Ward distinguished pure sociology—answering questions of what, why, and how—from applied sociology, which addresses the questions of what is to be done. Understanding societal functions, like poverty’s role in providing cheap labor and employment opportunities, is crucial for meaningful change. Herbert Gans argued that studying the functions of social phenomena guides effective intervention initiatives.

Research ethics and the choice of paradigms influence the validity and interpretation of findings. Selecting a particular theoretical orientation can introduce bias, especially if motivated by a desire to confirm predetermined conclusions. Nonetheless, rigorous research techniques, peer review, and the use of multiple paradigms help mitigate these risks. The collective nature of social research enhances objectivity and fairness, making the pursuit of knowledge a collaborative effort. As Babbie (2016) notes, the purpose of paradigms is not to establish absolute truth but to provide useful perspectives for understanding social phenomena, akin to shining flashlights into a dark room—each reveals some, but not all, aspects of the full picture.

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Constructing well-founded social science theories is a meticulous process rooted in systematic observation. The inductive approach, which involves observing social phenomena and identifying patterns, is fundamental to developing new theories that explain social behaviors and institutions. Grounded theory, introduced by Glaser and Strauss, exemplifies this methodology, emphasizing theories derived directly from empirical data collected through field research, whether qualitative or quantitative.

Erving Goffman’s work epitomizes qualitative inductive research. His detailed ethnographic observations uncovered the rules governing behaviors in specific contexts, from mental hospitals to disfigurement management. His approach involved teasing out the underlying social rules through in-depth engagement with social phenomena, reinforcing the importance of qualitative fieldwork in theory development. For instance, Goffman’s analysis of mental health institutions revealed structured routines and social expectations that structured patient behavior, illustrating how rules underpin social interactions.

Conversely, quantitative research also fosters inductive theory construction. A notable example from the 1960s–1970s involves the study on marijuana use among college students at the University of Hawaii, conducted by Takeuchi (1974). The researcher collected survey data to explore why some students smoked marijuana while others did not, questioning prevailing explanations such as academic failure or opposition to middle-class values. The statistical analysis showed that gender, ethnicity, and living arrangements influenced marijuana use independently, shedding light on the social factors underlying drug consumption patterns and challenging simplistic assumptions.

Furthermore, historical cases, such as the study of political monopolies from the 1880s to WWI, demonstrate how theory and research mutually influence one another. Similarly, Kebede and Knottnerus’s (1998) investigation of Rastafarianism employed critiques of resource mobilization theory, adding insights from social psychology and using archival, observational, and interview data. Their work exemplifies how flexible, theory-informed research can expand understanding of social movements beyond conventional models.

The dynamic relationship between theory and research accentuates that social science is inherently flexible. Both logical reasoning and systematic observation are essential activities that, when integrated creatively, facilitate understanding and action. Theories not only explain but also serve practical purposes, such as guiding social reforms to address issues like poverty. Herbert Gans’s analysis of poverty’s functions exemplifies how understanding societal functions informs policy and social programs, highlighting that theory’s ultimate value lies in promoting positive change.

Research ethics and paradigm selection further shape research outcomes. Bias can emerge if the researcher’s theoretical orientation is motivated by predetermined conclusions, raising ethical concerns about objectivity. Nonetheless, methodological rigor, peer review, and pluralistic approaches mitigate such risks. The collective effort of social scientists, each viewing social phenomena through different paradigms—akin to flashlights illuminating a dark room—ensures a more comprehensive understanding. As Babbie (2016) advocates, paradigms serve as useful guides rather than absolute truths, enabling researchers to explore social realities from multiple perspectives.

References

• Babbie, E. (2016). The basics of social research (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Cengage.
• Goffman, E. (1961). Asylums: Essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates. Anchor Books.
• Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. Prentice-Hall.
• Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Aldine.
• Kebede, A., & Knottnerus, J. D. (1998). The rise of Rastafarianism in the Caribbean: A critique of resource mobilization theory. Social Movement Studies, 1(4), 493-506.
• Takeuchi, D. (1974). Marijuana use among university students: Patterns and explanations. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 6(1), 15-24.
• Ward, L. (1906). The ethics of sociology and applied sociology. American Journal of Sociology, 11(1), 1-10.
• White, W. (1997). A proposition for social theorists. Journal of Sociological Theory, 8(2), 112-130.
• Katzenstein, P. J. (1999). Unobtrusive mobilization and discursive politics: A case study of the Southern California Rape Crisis Center. Social Problems, 46(3), 362-378.
• Schmitt, F., & Martin, P. Y. (1999). Success and organizational adaptation in rape crisis centers: A case study. Journal of Social Service Research, 25(2), 113-136.