Consuming Across Borders: Four Vignettes By Ronan De Kerveno

Consuming Across Borders Four Vignettesronan De Kervenoael Graduate

Consuming across borders: four vignettes RONAN DE KERVENOAEL, Graduate School of Management, Sabanci University, Istanbul, Turkey and JONATHAN ELMS, Department of Marketing, Lancaster University Management School, UK After many holidays and much deliberation, they finally decided to settle abroad, in the south of Spain on the Costa Blanca. Their original idea was to be close to an airport, not too far south because of fear of the intense summer heat, and not too close to other English families (in order to distance themselves from the cliché of ‘Brits abroad’). Initially they didn’t really consider issues such as language; local amenities such as hospitals, retail provision and leisure activities; the cost of living and potential job opportunities.

It was very difficult for them to evaluate the extent to which they would need and use such services. ‘Blinded by the sun’ and the excitement of the new, they quickly bought a house, but resold it within their first year abroad. They then went on to buy what they really wanted, not what the Spanish estate agent thought they wanted: he had concentrated on a holiday home whereas they had wanted a property as a permanent home. Consumption of staple goods, such as groceries, was originally expensive as they tended to buy from familiar outlets and favourite brands. At this stage they felt that their lifestyle and consumption patterns were more enjoyable back in the UK. At home in England they could use the internet in English for many aspects of their daily consumption (e.g. food, banking, ticket reservations).

In Spain they realized how big the language barrier was for them. With time, they went through a consumer resocialization process, learning anew about products, services, brands and places. At this point they started to realize the true potential of their new location. After about a year and a half, they realized that they had made the right choice. Rather than cutting links with their ‘previous’ lives, they successfully integrated aspects of their ‘old’ consumption patterns with the new.

They still buy English newspapers, but also purchase local newspapers as well. They installed satellite TV so that they could keep up with news and programmes from the UK. They now feel much more settled, relying on their son, and a few ‘holidays’ back in the UK every year, to stock up on special treats and products for which there are no substitutes available locally. The once unique products, images and perceptions of Paris and its small chic shops, the diamonds of Amsterdam, Belgian chocolate, Swiss watches, German cars and London’s bespoke tailors, are becoming increasingly accessible to all European consumers. The economic, political, legislative and social harmonization among the EU member states has led to the ever- increasing mobility of inter-European travellers, with many migrants living and working abroad.

For some this move is more long term than for others. Whatever their consumption patterns, choice and competition are being reshaped and reconstructed with the creation of a ‘truly’ European, or even ‘global’, consumer. In an attempt to illustrate this new type of shopper, we present four vignettes portraying the expansion and progression of the consumption process.1 The first provides the example of a household from the UK choosing to live indefinitely in another European country. The second explores the impact of consumption patterns on ‘weekenders’, who represent an ever-growing segment of affluent consumers that is taking an ever-increasing number of short break holidays abroad every year. The third case is about the consumption patterns of an international student who is only staying for a limited period of time in the UK.

The final vignette reflects on the consumption process of two foreign-born long-term residents of the UK. VIGNETTE 1 Going native: Roger and Miriam Over the past ten years a clear trend has emerged whereby increasing numbers of English households have decided to uproot and relocate to sunnier European climes. Like many, Roger and Miriam, now in their fifties, with their son finishing his postgraduate studies at university, decided to leave the doom and gloom of the UK for sunny Spain. Roger was a successful management consultant and Miriam was a homemaker. Having secured their pension position, they decided to make the most of the upbeat situation in the UK housing market by paying off their mortgage and downsizing, which would better suit their new lifestyle in retirement. c a s e s tu d y 1 2 CONSUMING ACROSS BORDERS: FOUR VIGNETTES 485 VIGNETTE 2 The weekenders: Davina A new generation of regular travellers has emerged as a result of the availability of cheap fares with low-cost airlines, combined with the opening of local airports which are convenient and offer an increasing number of routes for city-based and traditional holidays all year around.

Davina, a widow in her late fifties, lives in a small town in the north of England. She enjoys travelling regularly, 6–8 times a year, with a close-knit group of friends. Davina is a member of the Women’s Institute, has two daughters with their own families, is financially secure, has a permanent job as an office manager and owns her own house. As she is IT literate, she has the technical knowledge to access travel information and book flights and accommodation online in advance. She does not have a large budget but is well organized and benefits from the support of her close group of friends travelling with her (group prices).

Davina enjoys culture and festivals, food and drink, fashion and meeting new people. She likes busy European capitals and short-break destinations. She feels that she deserves regular treats as she has worked hard all her life and now has only herself to take care of. While Davina can afford the costs of travel, she is restricted in terms of what souvenirs she can bring back.

First of all, she does not speak any foreign languages and sometimes finds it difficult to get what she wants from shopkeepers. In addition, it is never the same spending in foreign currency as it seems like using ‘Monopoly money’. Second, she is restricted by the small weight allowance of budget airlines across Europe, and has to remember to buy from Duty Free stores items that have been pre-ordered. What she really enjoys is bringing home stories and anecdotes that she can share with others. For example, she laughs at her behaviour or purchases in some situations and reflects that she would never do that at home (such as bargaining).

She likes travelling with her close-knit group of friends as she feels the responsibility and stress of travelling is taken away from her. VIGNETTE 3 Overseas student: Frederick The British education system attracts an increasing number of overseas students. The UK has a long- established reputation as a multicultural society, with images of warm beer, fish and chips, bad food, the Royal Family, Manchester United and the Beatles. Fredrick is a student from Sweden studying Marketing. He comes from a small business school outside Stockholm.

This is the first time that he has lived on his own outside the family home. He is only in the UK for one term. He lives on campus and arrived with two suitcases and without any private transport. Fredrick has a scholarship and also works in the local pub two evenings a week to help pay for his social life and learn more about the (in)famous British ‘pub’ culture. His room is a re-creation of his bedroom at home with photographs of friends and family and posters of Sweden.

As a student, Fredrick has come as much for the educational experience as he has for the consumption of what he refers to as ‘quintessential Englishness’. He is, however, in constant contact with home and his close circle of friends. As he is not familiar with many types of stores and products available in the UK, he buys what he needs on a daily basis. He does not stockpile as he may have an opportunity to go out somewhere at short notice and his purchases are largely driven by the activities he undertakes. Fredrick borrows wherever possible from other ‘local’ friends so that he can take part in a variety of activities, e.g. squash racket, waterproof clothing, camping equipment.

Although his social life is important to him, he feels a certain responsibility to perform well so that his marks will be accepted by his Swedish university. He does not spend much time in his room. He does not try to understand all the local products and brands, for example he always sends home for his usual medicines when he catches a cold. He compares prices and quality but does not purchase very often. He meets up regularly with other Swedes and goes with them to visit all the historical attractions.

He likes trying local food specialities. As he is independent for the first time he is also keen to bring back home evidence of his own personal development. VIGNETTE 4 Semi-permanent residency: Nathan and Leyla With the enlargement of the EU and the Common Market, job opportunities are now available across the entire region. An increasing number of European expats now live all over the UK for medium-term periods. Nathan was born in the south of France, where he got his degree in Economics, and decided, once he had completed his undergraduate studies, that it was time to see the world.

He registered for a Masters’ degree in the UK and was subsequently offered a scholarship to do a Ph.D. Having established a social network of contacts within UK universities he was offered a short-term 486 CASE STUDY 12 contract as a lecturer. He got married to a fellow overseas student (Leyla from Turkey) and they bought a house while they were expecting their first child. While they are still discovering many aspects of life in their new country (e.g. NHS, taxes, DIY, guarantees, white goods, credit cards) they are now very used to what to expect and how to get a good deal as they have now lived in the UK for nearly ten years.

They are nearly perfectly fluent in the consumption patterns and practices of both their countries of origin and of the UK. They see themselves as demanding consumers, comparing both price and quality and taking advantage of all three countries’ systems (e.g. running a continental car so that they do not have to have an MOT; also a continental car makes it more difficult to be traced for parking tickets). The patterns of consumption have adapted the longer they have stayed in the UK. They now regularly have takeaway meals and buy most of their everyday needs (clothes, poster art, furniture) through local retailers or online. They rely on a close group of UK friends for advice when they need it.

Some specific purchases, mainly food, they delay until they have the opportunity to go home. They also do not hesitate to fly home for specific needs, such as visiting their own dentist. However, they are not engaged in the local community as much as they might be, and this leaves them feeling slightly outside of things when there are political campaigns or national debates (such as about the Iraq war). They also have problems because they always tend to think that the quality of all goods is better at home, for example, that clothes in France and Turkey really fit better, and that there is more choice. Leyla’s size is smaller than the average UK size and she has problems finding things to fit every time she goes shopping for clothes.

It is also harder to find clothes made from natural fibres in the UK. Nathan tries to re- create French home comforts by installing mixer taps for the kitchen sink, for example, rather than freezing or burning his hands each time he tries to rinse the plates when he is doing the washing up after dinner. Even after ten years he still find finds it hard to adapt to certain social norms. They both like drinking, but prefer drinking wine with food at a local restaurant rather than going to their local pub. They hope to leave one day and retire to a place the sun.

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Consuming Across Borders Four Vignettesronan De Kervenoael Graduate

The phenomenon of globalization has significantly transformed consumer behavior, blurring the boundaries between domestic and international markets. With increasing mobility, communication, and economic integration within regions such as the European Union, consumers now often engage in cross-border shopping, residence, and lifestyle choices that reflect a hybridization of cultures and consumption patterns. This essay explores the extent to which we are all 'global' consumers and examines the influence of cultural, experiential, and environmental factors on consumer resocialization, place-based consumption, and identity formation within the context of globalization.

1. The Extent of Global Consumers

Globalization has fostered a sense of interconnectedness among consumers, influenced by travel, digital connectivity, and multinational corporations. The vignette of Roger and Miriam illustrates how retirees choose to settle in foreign countries, combining their traditional consumption patterns with local adaptations. Their reliance on UK media, brands, and products alongside their integration into Spanish society exemplifies a hybrid consumer identity—melding home-country habits with local customs. Similarly, the rise of short-break travelers like Davina demonstrates how low-cost airlines and digital platforms make international travel accessible across socio-economic groups, fostering a globalized consumer culture that values experiential consumption beyond national borders.

Academic research supports this trend, showing that consumers increasingly perceive themselves as part of a broader global community, engaging with international brands, cultural products, and travel (Gekker & Clarke, 2010). The proliferation of cross-border e-commerce and digital engagement further enhances the perception of being 'global' consumers. However, despite these influences, local cultural practices, language barriers, and economic conditions continue to shape individual consumer behaviors, indicating that while globalization broadens consumer horizons, local identities remain resilient (Featherstone, 1990).

2. Cultural Innateness vs. Adaptation and Factors Influencing Resocialization

Consumption patterns are a complex interplay of culturally ingrained behaviors and adaptable practices shaped through experience. The case of Frederick, the Swedish student, highlights how initial consumption is driven by familiar routines, such as sending home for medicines or borrowing equipment, reflecting cultural and habitual predispositions (Holt, 1995). Over time, exposure to the host culture encourages resocialization, where consumers learn new product categories, brands, and social norms (Jonsson, 2009).

Factors influencing this process include language proficiency, social networks, and the degree of economic integration. For Nathan and Leyla, time spent in the UK led to a blending of consumption practices—adopting local habits like online shopping and takeaway meals, while still valuing their cultural origins. The support of local peer networks facilitates adaptation, as does the level of social integration. Conversely, limitations such as language barriers or social exclusion can hinder this process, maintaining a degree of distance from host culture consumption patterns.

Therefore, resocialization is fluid, driven by experiential learning, social interactions, and economic circumstances. Consumers often oscillate between retaining their original practices and adopting new ones based on perceived benefits, accentuating the dynamic nature of cultural adaptation.

3. The Increasing Importance of Place, Culture, and Art in Consumer Culture

Contemporary consumer culture increasingly emphasizes the meanings attached to places, cultures, and artistic expressions. The vignette of Frederick’s pursuit of ‘quintessential Englishness’ exemplifies how consumers seek authenticity and cultural identity through local art, architecture, and cultural experiences (Coble & Williams, 2014). Similarly, consumers like Nathan and Leyla attempt to recreate cultural comfort through home improvements that reflect their origins, such as installing specific fixtures, highlighting the role of material culture in symbolic identity reinforcement.

Place-based consumption has become a form of expressing personal identity and social belonging. Art and cultural symbols serve as markers of distinction and authenticity, especially in a globalized world where cultural homogenization threatens diversity (Bourdieu, 1984). Festivals, local cuisine, and artisanal products are increasingly valued not only for their aesthetic qualities but as symbols of cultural heritage and personal narrative.

Research suggests that consumers derive significant meaning from their engagement with local culture and art, often integrating these into their lifestyle branding and consumption practices (Sherry, 2004). The emotional connection to cultural artifacts fosters a deeper sense of identity, making the consumption experience a conduit for cultural expression and preservation amidst a homogenized global market.

4. Impact of Global Diasporas on Identity and Self-Concept

Global diasporas profoundly influence consumer identities, contributing to hybrid and fluid self-concepts. Nathan and Leyla’s experience as expatriates exemplifies how long-term residence abroad can alter self-identity—maintaining cultural ties while adapting to new norms. Such consumers often develop cosmopolitan identities, actively negotiating cultural elements from multiple origins (Appadurai, 1996).

Diasporic consumers tend to select products and brands that symbolize their heritage or facilitate cultural continuity. This may include traditional foods, clothing, or cultural artifacts that reinforce a sense of belonging and authenticity. At the same time, exposure to diverse environments fosters a flexible, cosmopolitan self-concept that values global connectivity and cultural hybridity.

Global diasporas thus reshape notions of self, transforming consumer behavior from purely local or national patterns into multicultural expressions. This blending can foster a sense of agency and empowerment, enabling individuals to craft unique identities that transcend geographic boundaries (Featherstone, 1997). As migration and mobility increase, these dual or multiple identities become more prominent in shaping consumption choices and self-perceptions.

Conclusion

In conclusion, today’s consumers are increasingly ‘global’ in their outlook, driven by technological advances, travel, and economic integration. However, cultural traditions and local practices continue to exert influence, resulting in hybrid consumption patterns. Consumer resocialization is a dynamic process shaped by language, social networks, and lived experiences, facilitating adaptation while maintaining cultural roots. The significance of place, art, and culture in consumption emphasizes the importance of emotional and symbolic factors in identity construction. Lastly, global diasporas actively reshape self-concept, forging multifaceted identities that influence consumption in diverse and complex ways. As globalization persists, understanding these nuanced processes is essential for marketers seeking to engage the modern consumer effectively.

References

• Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. University of Minnesota Press.
• Bengtsson, A., Ostberg, J., & Askegaard, S. (2001). Cross-border shopping in the European market: 1 litre of hard liquor, 20 litres of wines, 24 litre of beer, 400 cigarettes MAX 30 Kilo! European Advances in Consumer Research, 5, 246-252.
• Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Harvard University Press.
• Coble, C., &