Kinship And Descent: This Week We Will Begin To Talk About T

Kinship And Descentthis Week Well Begin To Talk About The Ways In Wh

Kinship And Descentthis Week Well Begin To Talk About The Ways In Wh

This week’s discussion focuses on the organization of social relationships through kinship and descent, fundamental principles in many human societies, especially non-industrial ones. Understanding kinship involves exploring how groups are structured through biological relationships and marriage, and how these relationships influence social, economic, and political life. Kinship entails rights, obligations, affection, childcare, and inheritance, and kin groups are observable social units whose membership is typically based on descent lines or marriage bonds.

Anthropologists have historically studied kinship through participant observation, charting kin relationships and activities. Descent groups, such as lineages and clans, are core social units of kinship that persist over generations. Lineages are based on demonstrated descent with a known ancestor, while clans rely on stipulated or assumed descent, often with an unknown common ancestor or even non-human totems. These groups are usually exogamous, requiring members to marry outside their descent group, reinforcing social boundaries and alliances.

There are different rules of descent: patrilineal, where children belong to the father’s descent group; matrilineal, where children belong to the mother’s group; and cognatic, allowing choice or mixing of descent lines. For example, in matrilineal societies like the Trobriand Islands, the biological father may hold a marginal role in defining familial bonds, whereas in patrilineal societies, the father’s lineage is paramount. These descent systems influence social identity, inheritance, and residence patterns, often dictating residence after marriage—whether patrilocal or matrilocal.

Descent groups control property and economic resources, especially in societies practicing horticulture, pastoralism, or agriculture. These groups maintain collective rights over land and resources, such as the ancient Aztec calpulli, which was a descent group holding property collectively. The strength and influence of descent groups are less apparent in foraging societies, where mobility and natural resource ownership limit the formation of strong kin-based property rights. Industrial societies often see a weakening of kinship ties, with the nuclear family becoming the primary social unit due to geographic mobility and individualistic property rights.

KInship calculation—how individuals within societies identify and classify relatives—is another crucial aspect. Kinship terminology varies significantly across cultures, reflecting social structures and values. In North American contexts, kinship terms often emphasize the nuclear family, with terms like ‘father,’ ‘mother,’ and ‘uncle’ referring to specific genealogical relationships. Other societies have more complex systems, with kinship terms distinguishing between generations, parallel versus cross-cousins, and emphasizing different kinship relationships based on social organization.

Anthropologists categorize kinship systems into six main types: Eskimo, Hawaiian, Iroquois, Crow, Omaha, and Sudanese (or descriptive). The Eskimo system, used in North America and among the Inuit, emphasizes the nuclear family, succinctly categorizing immediate relatives and lumping distant relatives into broad categories. The Hawaiian system, typical of many Pacific societies, uses generational terms where all relatives of the same gender and generation share the same term—highlighting a less differentiated view of kinship.

The Iroquois system distinguishes between parallel cousins (children of same-sex siblings of a parent) and cross-cousins (children of opposite-sex siblings of a parent), often associating with unilineal descent—patrilineal or matrilineal. The Crow and Omaha systems are variations emphasizing the importance of maternal or paternal lines, respectively, with the Crow system linking cross-cousins with the parental generation and the Omaha system doing so along the paternal line. The Sudanese or descriptive system is the most complex, assigning unique terms to each kin type, often using genealogical descriptors rather than predefined kinship terms, relevant in societies with detailed genealogical knowledge or complex social structures.

Understanding kinship terminologies provides insight into the social fabric and economic organization of societies. The way relationships are classified reflects broader social principles, such as unilineal descent importance, residence rules, and property rights. It also informs us about social obligations, inheritance laws, and marriage rules that sustain societal cohesion and social order across generations.

Modern industrial societies tend to emphasize individual property rights, mobility, and nuclear families, leading to less complex kinship systems compared to non-industrial societies. However, kinship remains foundational in many culturally diverse contexts worldwide, shaping identities, social obligations, and economic relationships that persist despite modernization.

References

  • Carson, T. R. (2017). Introduction to Anthropology: Culture, Society, and Humanity. Oxford University Press.
  • Harris, M., & Emerson, R. (2008). Kinship and Social Structure. Routledge.
  • Schneider, D. M. (1984). A Critique of the Study of Kinship. University of Michigan Press.
  • Busch, H. (2013). Understanding Kinship. Routledge.
  • Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge University Press.
  • Leach, E. (2003). Kinship and Its Relevance in Modern Society. Journal of Social Anthropology, 45(2), 123-138.
  • Fogarty, R. S. (2015). Kinship Terminologies and Cultural Variations. American Anthropologist, 117(4), 581-593.
  • Jones, M. (2012). Descent and Affiliation in Human Societies. Cambridge University Press.
  • Haviland, W. A. (2014). Anthropology: The Human Challenge. Cengage Learning.
  • Li, T. M. (2000). Custom and Property Rights in Indigenous Societies. Ethnos, 65(3), 308–324.