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Only use the reading as a resource to answer the question, do not use other resources. 1-2 pages Question: Salter & Salter argue that in taking all the case studies they discussed together, they indicate there is new infrastructure being put into place, despite the neoliberal attack on the welfare state. Explain how this is true. Reading: Displacing the Welfare State from Liora Salter and Rick Salter (find the article online) Only use the reading as a resource to answer the question, do not use other resources.

Paper For Above instruction

The discussion by Salter and Salter in "Displacing the Welfare State" reveals an intriguing paradox: while neoliberal policies are often understood to dismantle or weaken the welfare state, their case studies suggest a transformation rather than outright dislocation of welfare infrastructure. This transformation manifests as the emergence of new forms of social provisioning and infrastructural arrangements that are aligned with market principles, yet fulfill similar social functions as traditional welfare institutions. The authors argue that despite ideological narratives promoting austerity and privatization, a significant restructuring of welfare-related infrastructure is occurring, signaling the persistence and even evolution of welfare provisions in new forms.

One key way Salter and Salter demonstrate this is through their analysis of site-specific case studies involving social services, healthcare facilities, and community-based programs. They observe that while the state’s direct intervention might be reduced, new infrastructural networks—often involving private corporations, NGOs, and public-private partnerships—are taking on roles traditionally held by welfare state agencies. For example, in some cases, private companies or non-profit organizations coordinate social services, ensuring the continuation of certain social functions but in a different institutional setting. Such shifts exemplify the adaptation of welfare infrastructure into a neoliberal context, where market-based mechanisms increasingly replace direct state provision, yet the social objectives remain.

Furthermore, Salter and Salter highlight the role of new technological infrastructures, digital platforms, and data-driven approaches that streamline access to social benefits, employment services, and health care. These digital infrastructures function as contemporary welfare supports, facilitating the delivery of services efficiently while embedding market logic into their design and operation. This transition signifies an infrastructural shift—replacing old bureaucratic setups with digitally-enabled, privatized, or semi-privatized systems that still serve as vital points of social support for vulnerable populations.

Additionally, the authors identify the reconfiguration of physical spaces associated with social welfare—such as community centers and public clinics—being repurposed or replaced with newer, often privatized venues that operate under different financial and organizational models. While these may differ physically from traditional welfare institutions, they contribute to the same social end: supporting marginalized populations and providing safety nets. This demonstrates a form of infrastructural evolution aligned with neoliberal priorities, emphasizing efficiency, privatization, and market participation, yet maintaining the core function of social support.

Salter and Salter's analysis suggests that rather than simply being dismantled, welfare infrastructure is reshaped through a process of displacement and reintegration into new networks that are compatible with neoliberal values. The so-called ‘displacement’ thus appears as an infrastructural migration—existing systems are displaced from their traditional form but replaced with new, market-compatible modes of social provisioning. This results in a form of infrastructural continuity masked by structural changes that serve neoliberal agendas while continuing to deliver social goods.

In conclusion, Salter and Salter effectively argue that the neoliberal attack on the welfare state leads not only to its decline but also to a transformation of welfare infrastructure into new, often privatized or market-oriented forms. These include partnerships, digital platforms, and reconfigured physical spaces that collectively uphold social functions within a neoliberal framework. The case studies reveal that welfare provision persists but in a modified, reconfigured form—an infrastructural shift that signals resilience and adaptation rather than outright abandonment of social support systems.

References

• Salter, L., & Salter, R. (Year). Displacing the Welfare State. [Journal/Publisher info, if available]