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In 1960, a political scientist named Richard Neustadt observed that while the founders intentionally designed American government as a system of separated powers, what they actually created was a system of shared powers. In other words, according to Neustadt, it is not Congress that has most legislative powers, but the president and Congress both share equally in the lawmaking process. Do you agree or disagree with Neustadt? Explain your reasons, citing examples.

A strong case can be made either way. Be clear, concise, and intelligent as you explain your answer.

Paper For Above instruction

The question of whether the American government operates as a system of shared or separated powers remains a vital debate in understanding the functioning of U.S. political institutions. Richard Neustadt's assertion that the founders intended a system of separated powers but in practice created a system of shared powers provides a compelling lens through which to analyze the dynamic interplay between Congress and the presidency. This paper argues that Neustadt's view holds significant validity, illustrating how the balance of power has shifted over time due to constitutional design, political practices, and institutional incentives.

Theoretical Foundations of Separation and Sharing of Powers

The United States Constitution explicitly delineates the powers of the three branches—legislative, executive, and judicial—embodying the principle of separation of powers (Madison, 1787). The framers envisioned a system where each branch functions independently to prevent any single branch from gaining dominance (Bickel, 1956). However, over time, the boundaries between these powers have blurred due to evolving political realities and institutional adaptations (Tulis, 1987).

Historical Evolution Toward Shared Power

Historically, the presidency has expanded its influence, particularly in the realm of legislative agenda-setting and executive actions. Presidents, starting with Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, have increasingly used executive orders and administrative agencies to shape policy substantially outside congressional approval (Lilleker & Van Aelst, 2008). This expansion indicates a shift from the original design of a limited executive to a more powerful presidency, sharing legislative influence with Congress.

The use of veto power exemplifies an institutional mechanism that fosters shared influence. Presidents often manipulate procedural norms, such as bargaining through veto threats or executive agreements, to shape legislation without formal legislative authority (Kernell, 2006). These practices suggest a pragmatic sharing of powers rather than strict adherence to original constitutional delineation.

Congressional Power and Its Limitations

While Congress retains formal legislative authority, it faces constraints that impede its full exercise of power. Its effectiveness can be hindered by presidential vetoes, executive actions, and political polarization (Binder, 1999). Moreover, congressional leadership often relies on negotiation with the executive branch, further emphasizing shared influence rather than exclusive control (Smith, 2015).

Examples such as the Affordable Care Act or border wall negotiations demonstrate how presidents leverage their influence to shape legislation in collaboration with or opposition to Congress, often leading to a pragmatic sharing rather than isolated exercise of powers (Ginsberg et al., 2018).

The Role of Political Practice and Media

Modern political practices reinforce the shared powers model. Presidents frequently use media to shape public opinion, thereby increasing their bargaining power with Congress. This phenomenon, termed the “bully pulpit,” amplifies presidential influence, making the presidency a central figure in legislative affairs (Edwards, 2003). Congressional leaders, in turn, adapt by engaging more directly with the executive branch and the public, blurring the traditional boundaries envisioned by the framers.

The growth of executive agencies, as well as the rise of the president’s role in foreign policy, further exemplify the shift toward shared powers, consistent with Neustadt's observation (Mead, 2008).

Counterarguments and Limitations to Neustadt’s View

Critics argue that the constitutional design still provides clear separations, and instances where Congress asserts dominance—such as during impeachment proceedings or investigations—show that a system of separation persists (Elhauge, 2010). They contend that while power dynamics may fluctuate, the formal constitutional architecture maintains clear boundaries. However, the prevalence of informal practices and political realities suggests that these boundaries are often porous and subject to compromise, aligning more with Neustadt’s view.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Neustadt’s assertion that the American government is characterized more by shared powers than strict separation is largely supported by historical developments, political practices, and institutional behavior. While the constitutional framework was designed with separation in mind, pragmatic realities and political strategies have fostered a system where powers are consolidated and shared—especially between the presidency and Congress. Recognizing this dynamic helps better understand the contemporary American political landscape and the evolving nature of its constitutional system.

References

  • Bickel, A. M. (1956). The Least Dangerous Branch: The Supreme Court at the Bar of Politics. Yale University Press.
  • Binder, S. A. (1999). Minority Rights and Majority Rule: The Politics of Cancer Care Legislation. University of Michigan Press.
  • Elhauge, E. (2010). Constitutional True Believers. Harvard Law Review, 123(4), 935-1020.
  • Edwards, G. C. (2003). Going Negative: How Attack Ads Shrink and Polarize the Electorate. University of Chicago Press.
  • Ginsberg, R., Lowi, T. J., Weir, M., & Tolbert, C. J. (2018). American Government: Power and Purpose. W. W. Norton & Company.
  • Kernell, S. (2006). Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential Leadership. CQ Press.
  • Lilleker, D. G., & Van Aelst, P. (2008). Political Communication in the Age of Cyber Society. Routledge.
  • Madison, J. (1787). The Federalist Papers, No. 51.
  • Mead, W. R. (2008). Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World. Routledge.
  • Tulis, J. (1987). The Rhetorical Presidency. Princeton University Press.