Project Two: Final Draft Revenge Can Sometimes Leave People ✓ Solved

Project Two: Final Draft Revenge can sometimes leave people

Project Two: Final Draft Revenge can sometimes leave people feeling unhappy and, instead of helping most people move on, it leaves them dwelling on the situation. These four sources all conclude that the motivation for revenge is seeking to restore their lives.

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Introduction

Revenge is a recurring theme across literature, psychology, and neuroscience. Although many people assume that retaliation restores equilibrium and personal dignity, empirical and theoretical work suggests the motives for revenge are often self-focused and its benefits short-lived (Elshout et al., 2015; Stillwell et al., 2008). This paper synthesizes findings from key studies and literary examples to argue that revenge is primarily motivated by a desire to restore perceived equity and self-worth, but that acting on revenge typically fails to produce lasting psychological repair and can cause additional harm (Chester & DeWall, 2014; de Quervain et al., 2004).

Motivations for Revenge: Equity and Self-Restoration

Across disciplines, scholars identify restoration of equity and self-concept as central motives driving revenge. Stillwell et al. (2008) found, in studies comparing avengers and victims, that both groups commonly perceived themselves as wronged and sought to reestablish fairness or “equity.” Participants who pursued revenge framed their behavior as morally justified rebalancing (Stillwell et al., 2008). Similarly, qualitative work shows that people who enact revenge often describe it as a means to reclaim control and dignity after an interpersonal violation (van Dijk & Zeelenberg, 2005).

Elshout and colleagues (2015) add nuance by differentiating anger-driven responses from vengeance-driven behavior. Their data suggest that vengeance is more self-focused: it is not merely an expression of transient anger but a targeted attempt to remedy an injury to the self. While anger can be outwardly expressive and situational, revenge tends to be planned and tied to identity concerns, indicating a restorative goal that centers on the avenger’s sense of integrity (Elshout et al., 2015).

Short-term Emotional Effects: Catharsis or Illusion?

Popular belief holds that retaliation offers catharsis and emotional relief. Laboratory experiments, however, indicate that any mood improvement following revenge is typically brief and context-dependent. Chester and DeWall (2014) demonstrated that participants permitted to symbolically aggress against an offender (for example, via a voodoo-doll task) experienced immediate mood restoration comparable to those who received positive feedback. This suggests that symbolic or minor retaliatory acts can temporarily reduce negative affect (Chester & DeWall, 2014).

Yet, short-term mood relief does not equate to long-term healing. Longitudinal and retrospective studies report that individuals who act on revenge often continue to ruminate or suffer interpersonal consequences after the act (McCullough, 2001; Carlsmith, Wilson, & Gilbert, 2008). Where revenge is public or escalatory, it can generate cycles of retaliation, social isolation, or legal consequences that undermine any initial emotional gains (Stillwell et al., 2008).

Neural and Psychological Costs

Neuroscientific research highlights physiological costs associated with punitive motivation. De Quervain et al. (2004) used neuroimaging to show that brain regions associated with reward are activated when individuals contemplate punishment of unfair actors, suggesting that retributive impulses are reinforcing. However, the same neural circuitry implicated in stress and social cognition can also be engaged during rumination and prolonged hostility (de Quervain et al., 2004). Thus, while punishment may feel rewarding momentarily, sustained vigilance and antagonism are linked to poorer mental health outcomes (Averill, 1982).

Psychological theory further clarifies that revenge often preserves a self-centered narrative in which the avenger remains defined by the original injury (Frijda, 1986; Elshout et al., 2015). By centering identity around grievance, individuals may delay adaptive coping and forgiveness processes that would otherwise facilitate recovery (McCullough, 2001). In this sense, revenge may paradoxically impede the very restoration it seeks.

Literary Illustration and Social Consequences

Literature offers vivid illustrations of revenge’s destructive trajectory. Edgar Allan Poe’s “The Cask of Amontillado” dramatizes a protagonist whose meticulously planned vengeance leads to murder but not to moral repair—Montresor’s act cements his self-definition as an avenger rather than resolving his grievance (Poe, 1846). Such narratives mirror empirical findings: violent or extreme revenge can satisfy the avenger’s desire for retribution while producing moral, legal, or relational costs that compound harm (Stillwell et al., 2008).

At a social level, cycles of revenge—seen in historical feuds and communal conflicts—show that retaliation seldom restores long-term peace. Even when one party achieves a sense of immediate justice, reciprocal retaliation or broader destabilization often follows, undermining any claim of restored equity (van Dijk & Zeelenberg, 2005).

Implications for Intervention and Policy

Given the self-focused nature and limited utility of revenge, interventions should prioritize alternative means of restoring equity and dignity. Restorative justice models, which center dialogue, acknowledgement, and reparative actions, offer pathways that address victims’ needs without perpetuating harm (McCullough, 2001). Therapeutic approaches that reduce rumination, reframe identity beyond victimhood, and teach conflict-resolution skills can reduce the impulse to seek revenge and promote sustainable psychological recovery (Chester & DeWall, 2014).

At the societal level, reducing structural incentives for retaliation—through clear, fair dispute resolution systems and social norms that value reconciliation—can limit the escalation of revenge cycles (Stillwell et al., 2008).

Conclusion

Revenge is primarily motivated by desires to restore equity and defend self-concept, but empirical and theoretical evidence indicates that revenge is self-focused, produces only fleeting mood benefits, and can perpetuate further harm (Elshout et al., 2015; Chester & DeWall, 2014). Both scientific research and literary examples underscore that alternative restorative practices are generally more effective at achieving durable psychological and social repair. Redirecting the restorative impulse away from retaliation toward reparative, justice-oriented responses is a more adaptive strategy for individuals and communities.

References

• Elshout, M., et al. (2015). Vengeance is self-focused: Comparing vengeful to anger-driven responses. Cognition & Emotion.
• Poe, E. A. (1846). The Cask of Amontillado. In Portable Literature: Reading, Writing, Reacting.
• Stillwell, A. M., et al. (2008). We're all victims here: Toward a psychology of revenge. Basic & Applied Social Psychology.
• Chester, D., & DeWall, C. N. (2014). The impact of revenge. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
• de Quervain, D. J. F., et al. (2004). The neural basis of altruistic punishment. Science.
• van Dijk, W. W., & Zeelenberg, M. (2005). On the psychology of revenge and forgiveness. European Review of Social Psychology.
• Carlsmith, K. M., Wilson, T., & Gilbert, D. T. (2008). The paradoxical consequences of revenge. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
• McCullough, M. E. (2001). Forgiveness: Who does it and why? Annual Review of Psychology.
• Averill, J. R. (1982). Anger and aggression: An essay on emotion. Springer.
• Frijda, N. H. (1986). The Emotions. Cambridge University Press.