Read These Guidelines For Students Responsible For

Read These Guideline5completion Students Ore Responsible For Complet

Read These Guideline5completion Students Ore Responsible For Complet

READ THESE GUIDELINE5! Completion: Students ore responsible for completing all fourt een of these primory source exercises ond for onswering oll guesfions in o given exercise. Posts will be groded for guolity ond length. No lote posts will beaccepted. Formot: Complel e sentences ond occurote grommor are required. ff you do use direct guototions, you must provide proper in-text citotions - see our oddendum for detoils.

Originolity: Do not repeot the same informotion onother student hos olreody posted - odd something new to secure os mony points os possiblel Breoking ground eorly moy be odvontogeous. Eleventh hour posts thot simply restote moteriol olreody discussed will not secure the highest scores. Cutting ond posting from on internet source does not guolify os completing an exetcise. Student Replies: Replying to, or oddressing,onother student's post is encouroged ond is o gneot woy to moke certoin you're not simply nepeoting informotion ond losing points for redundoncy. Respectful debate is welcomed.

Word Count: Posts must meet the 2OO-word minimum to eorno possing score ("C"). Quolity posts thot exceed this minimum length will secure points thot proportionolity exceed the minimum possing grode. For instonce, quolity posts of 300 words or more eorn" B's" while guolity posts of 400 words or more secure "A's." But guolity is better than guantity! 5o o greot post with 200 words will do well. This is not on occasion for tersereplies.

Contextuolize the guestions inyour chopter reodings. Lgos Kossuth on Democracy and Hungarian Nationalism Lalos (Louis) Kossuth () was a lawyer and journalist who em as a leader of Hungarian nationalists inerged the Austrian Habsburg E,mpire during the 1848 revolution. He briefly became the governor of an independent government but was t'orced to f lee when Russlan armies, supporting the Austrian Habsburgs, put an end to the revolution. At'ter a short stay in Turhey, the U nited States government invited Kossuth to visit. During his visit to United States, he embarhed on a successful speaking tour in which he was celebrated as a fervent supporter ofThis text comes t'rom a speech he made bet'ore a banquet ot' journalists in New york City. ! ut happy art thou, free i nation of America, ! founded on the only ! solid basis, -libertyl !

1... ] Tyrantsare not in common freedom or common oppres- sion: -all this enters into the complex idea of Nationality. That this is instinctively felt by the common sense of the people, nowhere is more manifestly shown than at this moment in my native land. Hungary was declared by Francis-Joseph of Austria no more to exist as a Nation, no more as a state. lt was and is put under martial law. Strangers, aliens to our laws and history as well as to our tongue, rule now where our fathers lived and our brothers bled. To be a Hungarian is become almost a crime in our own native land.

Well: to justify before the world the extinction of Hungary, the partition of its territory and the reincorporating of the dissected limbs into the common body of servi- tude, the treacherous dynasty was anx- ious. to show that the Hungarians are in a minority in their own land. They hoped that intimidation and terrorism would induce even the very Magyars to dis- avow their language and birth. They ordered a census of races to be made. They performed it with the iron rule of martial law; and dealt so arbitrarily that thousands of women and men, who pro- fessed to be Magyars, who professed not to know any other language than the I\z1agyar, were, notwithstanding all their protestations, put down as Sclaves [sic], Serbs, Germans, or Wallachians, because their names had not quite a Hungarian sound.

And still wh at was the issue this malignant plot? That of the millions of inhabitants of H proper, the Magyars turned out to more than eight millions, some two lions more than we know the case is. The people instinctively felt that tyrant had the design through the text of language to destroy the of the complex nation, and it met tyrannic plot as if it answered, ,,We and must be, a nation; and if the takes language only for the mark nationality, then there is no great nation on earth: for there is no country whose popula- tion is counted by millions, but speaks more than one language.

No! lt is not language only. Community of interests, of rights, of duties, of history but chiefly community of institutions; by which a population, varying perhaps in tongue and race, is bound together through daily"infercourse in the towns, which are the centers and home of commerce and industry: -besides these, the very mountain-ranges, the system of rivers and streams, -the soil, the dust of which is mingled with the mortal remains of those ancestors who bled on the same field, for the same interests, the com- mon inheritance of glory and of woe, the community of laws and institutions, Source: Francis W. Newman, ed.,Speechesof Kossuth (London: Trubner, 1853), pp.62-65. Questions for Analysis 7.

What does Kossuth admire about political culture of the United 2. How does he define a ,,nation,,? does he reject using language as primary criterion for determir membership in a nation? 3. What does Kossuth's example national census taken by the government tell us about the kinds of institutions that states developed in response rise of nationalism? 706 I cHnnrrn zr Reyolutions and Nation Building, lg4L_jg7 j - An alyzing Primary Sources READ THESE GUIDELINE5! Completion: Students ore responsiblefor completing oll fourteen of these primory source exercises ond for onswering oll guestions in o givenexercise. Posts will be graded for guolity ond length. No lote posts will be accepled. Formot: Complete sentences ond occurote grommor are required. ff you do use direct guototions, you must provide p?oper in-text citotions - see our oddendum for detoils. Originolity: Do not repeot the some informotion onother student hos olreody posted - odd something new to secu?e os mony points os possible!

Breoking ground early moy be odvontogeous. Eleventh hour posts thot simply restote moteriol olreody discussed will not secure thehighest scores. Cutting ond posting from on internet source does not guolify os completing on exercise. Student Replies: Replying to, or oddressing, onother student's post is encouroged ond is o gneot woy to moke certoin you're not simply nepeoting informotion ond losing points for redundoncy. Respectful debote is welcomed.

Word Count: Posts must meet the ZOO-word minimum to eorn o possing score ("C").Quolity posts that exceed this minimum length will secure points thot proportionolity exceed the minimum possing grode. For instonce, guolity posts of 300 words or more ea?n" B's" while guolity posts of 4OO words or more secute "A's." But guolity is better thon guantity! 5o o greot post with 200 words will do well. This is not on occasion for tersereplies.

Contextuolize the guestions inyour chopter reodings. Karl Marx and Pierre-Joseph proudhon, correspond,ence Karl Marx was both a prolific political and economic theorist as well as a political militant, who corresponded w_ith socialists and other p.olitical radicals throughout Europe.

He, with Frie,drich Engels, was the authorof The Communist Manifesto (ls+a|, a widely circulated polemical critique of the capitilist economic system, which predicted the emergence of a revolutionary movement led by Europe's indistriat worhing classes, Thi exchange of letters with a prominent French socialist thinker, PierreJoseph Pr:oudhon, reveals disog'reements oiorg- roniitisi, in Europe about the desirability of revolution, and Marx's ideas about how rntellecluals such as hiiself might participate in the revolutionary movement, Brussels, 5 May 1846 IM:,,iit.t*:n:r munists and socialists for a constant interchange of letters which will be devoted to discussing scientific ques- tions, and to keeping an eye on popular writings, and the socialist propaganda that can be carried on in Germany by this means.

The chief aim of our correspon- dence, however, will be to put the Ger- man socialists in touch with the French and English socialists; to keep foreign- ers constantly informed of the social- ist movements that occur in Germany and to inform the Germans in Germany of the progress of socialism in France and England. ln this way differences of opinion can be brought to light and an exchange of ideas and impartial criticism can take place. lt will be a step made by the social movement in its literary mani- festation to rid itself of the barriers of nationality. And when the moment for action comes, it will clearly be much to everyone's advantage to be acquainted with the state of affairs abroad as well as at home.

Our correspondence will embrace not only the communists in Germany, but also the German socialists in paris and London. Our relations with England have already been established. So far as France is concerned, we all of us believe that we could find no better cor dent than yoursell As you know, English and Germans have hitherto mated you more highly than have yo own compatriots So it is, simply a question establishing a regular corresp and ensuring that it has the means keep abreast of the social movement the different countries, and to a rich and varied interest, such never be achieved by the work of singleperson.... Yours most sincerely Karl IVarx Source: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected Worhs, vol.38 (New York: 1982), pp 38-40, ciosed it down and sent Marx into exile-firSt to paris, then Brussels, and eventually London.

While in Paris, Marx studied early socialist theory, economics, and the history of the French Revolution. He also began a lifelong intellectual and political parrnership with Friedrich Engels (). Engeis was rhe son of a textile manufacturer from the German Rhineland. His par_ ents had sent him to learn business with a merchant firm in Manchester, one o[ the cenrers of England,s Industrial Rev_ olution (see Chapter 19). Engels worked in the family busi_ ness unril 1870, but this did nor prevenr him from ta up his pen ro denounce rhe miserable working and living conditions in Manchester and what he saw as the system- atrc inequalitie s of capitalism. (He published The Condition ,f the Worhing Classes in England in 1844.) Marx and joined a small international group o[ radical artisans the League of the Just, renamed the Commun tsr in 1847.

The league asked Marx to drafrt a statement of its 680 | cHAprER 2o rhe Age of ld"eologies: Europe in the AJtermath of Revolution I principles, which was published in IB4B as The Communist Man{esto, with Engels listed as coauthor. i ,17 May 1846 y dear Monsieur Marx, I am happy to become i recipient of your correspon- whose goal and organization seem to be very useful. I cannot promise you at length or often, however; many occupations and my natural will not permit such epistolary I would also like to take the lib- of expressing several reservations a few of the passages in your letter, [ . . ] I believe that it is my duty, duty of all socialists, to maintain time being a skeptical or critical ive, in a word, I claim [in mat- economics] an almost absolute us search together, if you wish, of society, and the ways that laws make themselves felt, and the of development that allows us to them; but by God, after having all the a priori dogmatisms, not dream of then indoctrinating ourselves, do not fall into the ction faced by your com- Martin Luther, who after hav- iown Catholic theology, set about at once excommunicating others, in order to found a Protestant theology. [ ] | applaud with all my heart your idea of bringing forth all possible opin- ions; let us therefore pursue a good and loyal argument; let us offer the world an example of a wise and perceptive tolera- tion, but we should not, simply because we are the leaders of a movement, seek to pose as the apostles of a new religion, even if this religion is that of logic, of rea- son.

Under these terms, I am happy to join your association, but if not-then Nol I would also like to comment on these words inyour I etler : At the m om ent of action. You may still think that no reform is possi- ble at present without a bold stroke, with- out what was formerly called a revolution [ . . ] Having myself held this opinion for a long time, I confess now that my more recent works have made me revisit this idea completely. I believe that we do.not need [a revolution] to succeed, because this alleged solution would simply be an appeal to force, to something arbitrary, in short, a contradiction. I see the problem like this: to find a t'orm of economic combina- tion that would restore to society the wealth that has been tahen t'rom it by anotherd form of economic combrnation. ln other words, [ ] to turn Property against Property, in such a way as to establish what you Ger- man socialists call community, and which I limit myself to callingliberty, equality.[. . .l I prefer to burn Property with a slow fuse, rather than to give it new energy by mas- sacring the property owners.

Your very devoted Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Source: P.-J. Proudhon, Am6d6e J616me, Correspondance de P.-J. Proudhon (Paris: 1875), pp . Questions for Analysis?. What is the purpose of the network of correspondents that l\rlarx was invit- ing Proudhon to join?

Why did Marx believe it necessary to overcome "the barriers of nationality"T 2. Why does Proudhon compare Marx's analysis of "scientific questions" or,'the laws of society" to religious dogmas? 3. Why does Proudhon reject Marxt assumplion that a revolution is necessary? What alternative does he propose?

Paper For Above instruction

The primary source exercises delve into foundational texts and correspondence that reveal the ideological debates and cultural understandings shaping 19th-century revolutionary movements and nationalism. Specifically, they examine Kossuth’s passionate speech advocating for Hungarian nationalism, Marx and Proudhon’s philosophical exchanges on socialism and revolution, and the broader institutional and cultural responses to rising national consciousness. These sources highlight differing views regarding the nature of a nation, the role of language, and the legitimacy of revolutionary action, illustrating the ideological diversity that underpinned social and political transformation during this era.

The speech by Louis Kossuth underscores a deep sense of national identity rooted in collective interests, shared history, and community of laws, contrasting with the Austrian imperial decree that sought to suppress Hungarian language and culture. Kossuth’s critique of the census conducted under martial law reveals how states during the rise of nationalism developed institutions aimed at consolidating power by manipulating racial and linguistic data to destabilize minority groups. His emphasis on institutional community over language as a marker of nationhood challenges simplistic notions of nation based solely on linguistic commonality, advocating instead for a broader conception inclusive of economic interests, history, and shared institutions. This perspective underscores the importance of civic and legal institutions in forging a unified national identity amidst ethnic diversity.

Marx and Proudhon’s correspondence exemplifies the intellectual debates on revolutionary strategy and societal understanding. Marx envisions a transnational socialist movement guided by scientific analysis of social laws, emphasizing the need for international cooperation among socialists across Europe to overcome nationalist barriers and unify efforts against capitalism. Proudhon, however, critiques the revolutionary emphasis advocated by Marx, advocating for gradual societal change through economic cooperation and mutualism—burning property slowly rather than through violent upheaval. Their exchange highlights fundamental differences: Marx’s revolutionary approach aligned with abrupt systemic change, while Proudhon’s reformist stance promotes incremental transformation rooted in popular consensus and economic reform.

Historically, these texts reveal a period marked by contrasting visions of nationhood, the role of language, and revolutionary praxis. The institutional responses, such as censuses under martial law, demonstrate the use of bureaucratic tools by emerging nation-states to enforce nationalist ideologies. Cultures and ideologies shaped responses to ethnic and linguistic diversity, with some, like Kossuth, emphasizing institutions and shared history as core to national identity, and others, like Marx and Proudhon, engaging in ideological diplomacy to foster international socialist solidarity. These debates and institutions reflect the complexities of nation building and social change in a period of intense nationalistic and revolutionary upheaval.

References

• Newman, Francis W., ed. (1853). _Speeches of Kossuth_. London: Trubner.
• Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. (1982). _Collected Works_. Vol. 38. New York: International Publishers.
• Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. (1875). _Correspondance de P.-J. Proudhon_. Paris: Amedée Jullien.
• Hobsbawm, Eric. (1990). _Nations and Nationalism Since 1780_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Smith, Adam. (1776). _The Wealth of Nations_. London: Methuen & Co.
• Nebehay, Michel. (1996). _The French Revolution and the Rise of Nationalism_. Paris: Editions Gallimard.
• Foucault, Michel. (1978). _Discipline and Punish_. New York: Vintage Books.
• Anderson, Benedict. (1983). _Imagined Communities_. London: Verso