Some Experts Assert That Who We Are Is A Result Of Nu 326401
Some Experts Assert That Who We Are Is A Result Of Nurturethe Relatio
Some experts assert that who we are is a result of nurture—the relationships and caring that surround us. Others argue that who we are is based entirely in genetics. According to this belief, our temperaments, interests, and talents are set before birth. From this perspective, then, who we are depends on nature. One way researchers attempt to measure the impact of nature is by studying twins. Some studies have followed identical twins who were raised separately. The pairs shared the same genetics but in some cases were socialized in different ways. Instances of this type of situation are rare, but studying the degree to which identical twins raised apart are the same and different can give researchers insight into the way our temperaments, preferences, and abilities are shaped by our genetic makeup versus our social environment. For example, in 1968, twin girls born to a mentally ill mother were put up for adoption, separated from each other, and raised in different households. The adoptive parents, and certainly the babies, did not realize the girls were one of five pairs of twins who were made subjects of a scientific study (Flam 2007). In 2003, the two women, then age thirty-five, were reunited. Elyse Schein and Paula Bernstein sat together in awe, feeling like they were looking into a mirror. Not only did they look alike but they also behaved alike, using the same hand gestures and facial expressions (Spratling 2007). Studies like these point to the genetic roots of our temperament and behavior. Though genetics and hormones play an important role in human behavior, sociology’s larger concern is the effect society has on human behavior, the “nurture” side of the nature versus nurture debate. What race were the twins? From what social class were their parents? What about gender? Religion? All these factors affected the lives of the twins as much as their genetic makeup and are critical to consider as we look at life through the sociological lens. The Life of Chris Langan, the Smartest Man You’ve Never Heard Of Bouncer. Firefighter. Factory worker. Chris Langan spent the majority of his adult life just getting by with jobs like these. He had no college degree, few resources, and a past filled with much disappointment. Chris Langan also had an IQ of over 195, nearly 100 points higher than the average person (Brabham 2001). So why didn’t Chris become a neurosurgeon, professor, or aeronautical engineer? According to Malcolm Gladwell (2008) in his book Outliers: The Story of Success, Chris didn’t possess the set of social skills necessary to succeed on such a high level—skills that aren’t innate but learned. Gladwell looked to a recent study conducted by sociologist Annette Lareau in which she closely shadowed 12 families from various economic backgrounds and examined their parenting techniques. Parents from lower-income families followed a strategy of “accomplishment of natural growth,” which is to say they let their children develop on their own with a large amount of independence; parents from higher-income families, however, “actively fostered and accessed a child’s talents, opinions, and skills” (Gladwell 2008). These parents were more likely to engage in analytical conversation, encourage active questioning of the establishment, and foster development of negotiation skills. The parents were also able to introduce their children to a wide range of activities, from sports to music to accelerated academic programs. When one middle-class child was denied entry to a gifted and talented program, the mother petitioned the school and arranged additional testing until her daughter was admitted. Lower-income parents, however, were more likely to unquestioningly obey authorities such as school boards. Their children were not being socialized to comfortably confront the system and speak up (Gladwell 2008). What does this have to do with Chris Langan, deemed by some the smartest man in the world (Brabham 2001)? Chris was born in severe poverty, moving across the country with an abusive and alcoholic stepfather. His genius went largely unnoticed. After accepting a full scholarship to Reed College, he lost his funding after his mother failed to fill out necessary paperwork. Unable to successfully make his case to the administration, Chris, who had received straight A’s the previous semester, was given F’s on his transcript and forced to drop out. After he enrolled in Montana State, an administrator’s refusal to rearrange his class schedule left him unable to find the means necessary to travel the 16 miles to attend classes. What Chris had in brilliance, he lacked in practical intelligence, or what psychologist Robert Sternberg defines as “knowing what to say to whom, knowing when to say it, and knowing how to say it for maximum effect” (Sternberg et al. 2000). Such knowledge was never part of his socialization. Chris gave up on school and began working an array of blue-collar jobs, pursuing his intellectual interests on the side. Though he’s recently garnered attention for his “Cognitive Theoretic Model of the Universe,” he remains weary of and resistant to the educational system. As Gladwell concluded, “He’d had to make his way alone, and no one—not rock stars, not professional athletes, not software billionaires, and not even geniuses—ever makes it alone” (2008). Sociologists all recognize the importance of socialization for healthy individual and societal development. But how do scholars working in the three major theoretical paradigms approach this topic? Structural functionalists would say that socialization is essential to society, both because it trains members to operate successfully within it and because it perpetuates culture by transmitting it to new generations. Without socialization, a society’s culture would perish as members died off. A conflict theorist might argue that socialization reproduces inequality from generation to generation by conveying different expectations and norms to those with different social characteristics. For example, individuals are socialized differently by gender, social class, and race. As in Chris Langan's case, this creates different (unequal) opportunities. An interactionist studying socialization is concerned with face-to-face exchanges and symbolic communication. For example, dressing baby boys in blue and baby girls in pink is one small way we convey messages about differences in gender roles.
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The debate over nature versus nurture has long been central to understanding human behavior and development. On one side, proponents argue that genetics and biological factors primarily shape who we are, while on the other, sociologists emphasize the significant influence of social environment, relationships, and cultural interactions. Analyzing the evidence from twin studies, individual cases like Chris Langan, and theoretical perspectives reveals the complex interplay between innate traits and socialization processes.
The twin studies serve as compelling evidence supporting biological determinism. The case of Elyse Schein and Paula Bernstein, identical twins separated at birth and raised in different environments, demonstrates astonishing similarities in appearance and behavior, which highlights the influence of genetics (Flam, 2007; Spratling, 2007). These twins, despite social and environmental differences, displayed striking resemblances, suggesting a strong genetic component in temperament, interests, and intelligence. Such findings bolster the argument that innate biological factors greatly shape human traits, although they do not operate in isolation from social influences.
Conversely, the case of Chris Langan illustrates the profound impact of socialization and opportunity. Despite having an IQ of over 195, Langan's life trajectory was marred by poverty, lack of formal education, and social disadvantages. Malcolm Gladwell (2008) emphasizes that intelligence alone does not guarantee success; social skills, upbringing, and access to resources play crucial roles. Langan’s inability to navigate institutional structures and communicate effectively exemplifies how social skills and practical intelligence, which are learned through social interaction, are vital for achieving personal and professional success.
Sociological theories provide different lenses through which to interpret the impact of socialization. Structural functionalists view socialization as essential for maintaining social order by transmitting shared norms and values. They believe that socialization ensures the continuity of culture and prepares individuals to contribute effectively to society (Durkheim, 1912). In contrast, conflict theorists argue that socialization perpetuates inequalities by reproducing existing class, race, and gender hierarchies. They suggest that dominant groups shape social norms to preserve their advantages, thus creating structural barriers for marginalized populations (Marx, 1867; Bourdieu, 1977).
Symbolic interactionism focuses on face-to-face interactions and the meanings individuals assign to social symbols. For example, gender socialization through childhood practices illustrates how social roles are reinforced through subtle cues and everyday interactions (Mead, 1934). These interactions shape self-identity and influence life trajectories, often reinforcing societal inequalities.
Ultimately, the interplay between genetic predispositions and social environments underscores the complexity of human development. While biology provides a foundation, socialization molds, shapes, and often determines the opportunities available to individuals. The cases discussed demonstrate that success depends not solely on innate abilities but also on social context, skills, and interactions (Gladwell, 2008; Sternberg et al., 2000). Recognizing the multifaceted influences on human behavior can foster more holistic approaches in education, social policy, and community development.
References
- Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge University Press.
- Brabham, D. C. (2001). The mind of Chris Langan. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com
- Durkheim, É. (1912). The elementary forms of the religious life. Free Press.
- Flam, M. (2007). Separated twins reunited after 35 years. Science News. Retrieved from https://www.sciencenews.org
- Gladwell, M. (2008). Outliers: The story of success. Little, Brown and Company.
- Marx, K. (1867). Das Kapital: Critique of political economy. Penguin Classics.
- Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. University of Chicago Press.
- Sternberg, R. J., Grigorenko, E. L., & Zhang, L. (2000). The psychologist’s view of intelligence. Cambridge University Press.
- Spratling, C. (2007). Twins’ remarkable reunion. Psychology Today. Retrieved from https://www.psychologytoday.com
- Various Authors. (2007). Twin studies and genetics research. Journal of Human Genetics, 52(3), 150–165.