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Gender identity and gender performance are critical in the production and popularization of hip hop culture in the United States and other parts of the world. Since 2000, women have played an integral role in the evolution and growth of hip hop. In this respect, hip hop continues to be a cultural platform through which societal narratives regarding femininity and masculinity are relayed. Over time, hip hop has transformed into an arena in which scripts relating to womanhood are normally communicated (Blay 8). The multibillion dollar hip hop sector is often regarded as one that has negatively transformed women’s identity and the way in which they relate to men.

In the same vein, hip hop contents and video depictions have also informed traditional societal culture of womanhood. This has generated major impacts on women’s self-identity and their sexual choices and outcomes. In the mainstream media, women’s sexuality is normally viewed as animalistic or related to the natural world. Women in Hip Hop After 2000 Sexism and Women Roles in Hip Hop The end of 1990s is remembered as a period that began to redefine the role of women in hip hop culture. Hip hop lyrics and visual contents normally inform the traditional scripts relating to womanhood.

For instance, black women in the mainstream media are often represented as sexual products that are associated with nature (Blay 8). As sexualization takes center stage in the music sector, women continue to be reduced to “jiggling butts and cleavages”. Since the beginning of 2000, the images of women in popular hip hop media included the Mammy, which is an asexual nurturing symbol (Wright and Wallace 226). Also referred to as Jezebel, the Mammy served as a depiction of women as being hypersexual and deviant, or an untamed (Wright and Wallace 226). Hip hop music is characterized by defiance and rebellion.

Therefore, although women perform integral roles in their developments, they are often discredited and underrepresented (Cabjreja 1). Although most women in male-dominated songs are never provided with a microphone to sing, there are exceptions that they have (Cabreja 1). They often show that they are equally talented when given such opportunities. This is especially true for Nicki Minaj, who came out as one of the most renowned woman hip hop artists. There are also common characterizations in which women tend to be featured as earthly motherly figures, money-hungry gold diggers, as well as bitches or promiscuous people.

Many content analysis studies often show that black-oriented hip hop videos depict greater hypersexual images of women than other genres portray white women. Consequently, hip hop artists have always attracted a lot of criticisms from the public and observers for being misogynistic. Thus, hip hop music is normally regarded as debasing of women (Blay 8). This is because hip hop contents problematize female participation in the development of both music and visual contents (Wright and Wallace 226). Nonetheless, hip hop is also lauded as a platform that allows young African American women to develop or improve the misogyny of rap culture.

Through the lenses of hip hop feminism, feminist researchers such as Joan Morgan and Shani Jamilla attempt to empower and liberate young women from the constraints that are imposed on their sexual expressiveness by involving themselves in the development process, appropriation of traditional masculine space, and reclamation of the traditionally derogatory labels for women, such as ‘bitch’. For example, Lil Kim is a popular feminist artist who expresses a degree of appropriation, dominance, and control for respect as the rapper describes herself as ‘queen bitch’. This complicates the conflicts that exist between the queen subject-object dichotomies. Women empowerment in the hip hop culture is also strongly related to sexual permissiveness.

Hip hop feminism is situates within a sex-positive discourse since it also asserts that a women in a dominantly male society such as hip hop can exercise power with the use of her body. Therefore, women are normally regarded as objectified entities within the hip hop music and video society. Rather than being objectified by males, women in hip hop exercise control over the forms and functions of their sexuality. As such, they are regarded as the main subjects (Wright and Wallace 226). The representations and role of women have normally taken the forms of scandals, moral panics, as well as cultural and political hysteria.

From the onset of 2000, the political class and public personalities have been sharply criticizing hip hop celebrities and fans for what they regard to be widespread misogyny and violence in the lyrics and in video and stage performances (Strange, Oyster and Sloan 696). Indeed, the hip hop violent imageries have come under criticisms for promoting violent imageries and misogyny. Although a significant fraction of these critiques are encouraging, neither the public debates nor the scholarly controversies enhance the daily lives of young women hip hop fans and artists. Indeed, there are many threats and stereotypical media images of young urban women who are regularly cast in sexist, racist, paternalistic, and contested notions.

For instance, there is a common depiction of African American women as strong, angered, and promiscuous people. They are also regarded as child bearers, wild, and ball-busting creatures. The representations of this kind of young city women take place in a barrage of discursive practices and signs of womanhood, motherhood, and sexuality. Although women in hip hop dominate a sophisticated position and have to struggle to get a voice, they do not suppose that misogyny exists. This is because they believe that men do not understand the situations of women, especially black women.

Miller (1) argues that hip hop and gender respect militate against each other. According to Miller (1), the contents that denigrate women suggests that hip hop is merely a euphemist term for the debasing of females and championing of intimate partner violence. Thus, the author argues that it endangers women more than it praises their beauty. Although hip hop has transformed to a money-making industry that moves various markets, this music genre is meaningless without its supporters. To Miller (1), having a comprehensive knowledge of the value of money as consumers of rap music can enable fans to raise complex issues to artist such as Rick Ross to fight this misogyny.

Clothing and Fashion of Women in Hip Hop and their Sexual Preferences

The portrayal of women in almost all genres of hip hop videos acts as a major point of controversy. Usually, males are depicted as individuals in a position of power as women are reduced to subservient duties (Strange, Oyster and Sloan 696). Most significantly, women are debased by the common fashion combinations for most hip hop visual contents. For instance, they put on very little clothing such as bikinis and lingerie. Video editors and photographers develop camera shots in which women’s breasts and backsides are normally emphasized amid an almost naked body (Strange, Oyster and Sloan 696).

This is particularly true when they are required to wear very short and tiny skirts that are above the knees. Although women voluntarily take part in the development of such video contents, male artists and fashion designers continue to depend on the motif of women as sex objects and secondary citizens so as to strengthen the videos’ appeal and success. Comparing R&B and Raps While both R&B and Rap music are often sexist, they differ in the ways in which the sexist messages are passed to their listeners. Some of the points of commonalities across these genres include the depiction of women playing traditional gender roles and inferiority of women. These include sexist objectifications and stereotyping of females (Naff 20).

Comparing R&B and Raps

While both R&B and Rap music are often sexist, they differ in how sexist messages are conveyed. These genres commonly depict women in traditional gender roles and often stereotype females (Naff 20). However, unlike rap music, R&B tends to have benevolent sexism, related to objectification. R&B music often emphasizes the beauty of women, suggesting they are treasured and appreciated, portraying them as good and sweet (Naff 21). Conversely, rap music depicts women as explicitly sexual objects, often dismissing or disrespecting them (Cabreja 2).

Another key difference is the degree to which each genre views women as inferior. R&B generally portrays women as less powerful but still significant, often as homemakers or romantic partners. Conversely, rap frequently dismisses women altogether, often characterizing them as prostitutes or bitches whose roles are limited to sex (Naff 21). Women in rap are thus highly sexualized and overlooked, whereas R&B offers some positive stereotypes but still largely stereotypes women in domestic or romantic roles (Cabreja 2).

Works Cited

• Blay, Zeba. “What We Forget When We Talk About Hip-Hop’s Women Problem.” BET, 17 Aug. 2015.
• Cabreja, Karina. “The Shifting World of Women in Hip Hop.” 16 Feb. 2016.
• Miller, Kai. “How Do Women Cope with Loving a Culture That Hates Us.” BET, 1 Aug. 2017.
• Neff, Sarah. Sexism across musical genres: A comparison. Thesis, Western Michigan University, 2014.
• Stange, Mary Zeiss, Carol K. Oyster, and Jane E. Sloan. Encyclopedia of Women in Today's World. Vol. 1. Sage, 2011.
• Wright II, Earl, and Edward V. Wallace. The Ashgate Research Companion to Black Sociology. Routledge, 2016.