Swok 600 Social Welfare And Social Policy Midterm Opportunit

Swok 600social Welfare And Social Policymidterm Opportunity To Learn

Swok 600: Social Welfare and Social Policy Midterm Opportunity to Learn and Demonstrate Learning Please respond to each question/prompt. For each, provide a point value of between 4 and 8 – with the sum of all equaling 100 points. This will allow you to weigh most the questions that seem to you most important – or with which you are most confident. Your responses are due by Friday, March 19.

1. Reisch (2014/17) argues that social policy can be divided into three categories: social welfare policy, fiscal welfare policy, and occupational welfare policy. a. Briefly describe the three categories of social policy – providing an example of each. b. Explain how such a categorization can be seen as, in the words of Richard Timuss, “social division of welfare.”

2. Blau (2014/17) argues that there are five significant features of the contemporary U.S. economy that provide the context for social policy. a. Briefly describe each. b. Describe how at least one of these features of the U.S. economy (or one of the others discussed in class) shapes the policy milieu of your practice of social work and/or your clients’ lives.

3. Blau (2014/17) articulates “Three Conservative Myths about Social Welfare and the Economy.” Discuss one – summarizing Blau’s argument for why it is a myth. If you disagree with Blau, say why you do and provide evidence for your view. If you agree, say why it is important to understand and debunk the myth.

4. Blau (2014/17) and Schiele (2014/17) argue that social policies and programs not only provide basic necessities to marginalized people and communities, but also serve to regulate both the economy and the lives of people of color in ways that promote the dominant paradigm. Choose a sector of the economy – e.g., housing, food, health care and describe how social welfare programs/policies (a) boost profits in that sector and (b) regulate the lives of people of color? (You might also find that Coates [2014] and Willse [2010] have useful contributions to this subject.)

5. Reisch (2014/17) and Warde (2017) identify key features of the Elizabethan Poor Laws and those that followed in the early United States (e.g., reforms articulated in the Report of the Committee on Pauper Laws). Articulate briefly five of these features and how their remnants can be seen in current social welfare policy.

6. Roll (2014/17) articulates various social changes that led to changes both in women’s relationship to the economy and in societal view of gender roles. Discuss the relationship you see among two or more of these changes – or how Roll’s analysis is lacking.

7. Reisch (2014/17) articulates seven stages of policy development. Briefly describe them.

8. Collins (2007) discusses three dimensions of oppression – the institutional, the symbolic, and the individual. Briefly describe each, as well as how you see them in the context of social welfare policy (e.g., in formation, implementation, evaluation).

9. Explain a policy that may have had unintended consequences, and explain why that may have happened. What can we do to try to avoid such consequences?

10. Caputo (2014/17) notes: “Structuring problems is an important activity for policy analysts,” for the way that we define a problem will dictate, in part, the solutions we consider. Pick a social problem, and define the issue in two different ways, showing how various articulations of the issue lead to disparate solutions. (You might also find that Coates [2014] and Willse [2010] have useful contributions to this subject. Reisch [2014/17] also discusses the social construction of social problems.)

11. Briefly describe the following concepts – and provide an example of the concept applied in the context of policy analysis:

• a. Universal benefit
• b. Means-tested (or selective) benefit
• c. Population-at-risk
• d. Inclusiveness of coverage
• e. Horizontal adequacy
• f. Vertical adequacy
• g. Horizontal equity
• h. Vertical equity

12. Why, if the U.S. federal income tax is progressive, is the total share of taxes that will be paid across the economic spectrum roughly equal to their total share of income – i.e., proportional to the income they capture? (For example, the richest one percent of Americans pay 23.7% of total taxes and receive 21.6% of total income, while the poorest one-fifth of Americans pay 2.1% of total taxes and receive 3.3% of total income.) In answering this question, you should define and discuss progressive taxes, regressive taxes, tax expenditures, and marginal and effective tax rates – and provide examples of each.

13. Different economic theories suggest different responses to periodic economic crises. a. According to traditional Keynesian economic theory, how should governments respond to recession? Why? b. According to supply-side economic theory, how should governments respond to recession? Why? c. How would Marxist theorists critique both Keynesian and supply-side theory?

14. Two trends within the past 50 years have increasingly moved the authority and implementation of social welfare policy away from the federal government. a. What is policy devolution? Provide an example. b. What is privatization? Provide an example. c. Why should we care?

15. Describe the difference between mandatory and discretionary spending – and why is the distinction important?

16. Put the following steps of the legislative process in the correct order. For the italicized steps, describe how you might advocate effectively for the bill at this step. (Who are the targets of your advocacy? What might you do?)

• a. The Finance Committee considers amendments to House Bill 1 that were raised during its hearing.
• b. House Bill 1 crosses over to the other chamber for consideration.
• c. House Bill 1 passes second reading in the Senate with amendments.
• d. The full Senate debates House Bill 1 and considers amendments to the bill.
• e. The full House of Delegates debates House Bill 1 and considers amendments to the bill.
• f. The Finance Committee holds a hearing on House Bill 1.
• g. House Bill 1 passes third reading in the House of Delegates.
• h. The bill becomes law.
• i. The Economic Matters Committee holds a hearing on House Bill 1.
• j. Both the full membership of House and the Senate vote favorably on the conference report – the comprise version – of House Bill 1.
• k. House Bill 1 is drafted by the Department of Legislative Services
• l. The governor signs the bill.
• m. House Bill 1 passes second reading in the House of Delegates without amendments.
• n. The Finance Committee votes favorably on House Bill 1 – with amendments.
• o. House Bill 1 passes third reader in the Senate.
• p. House Bill 1 – without the possibility of amendments – is debated by and receives approval from a majority of the membership in a floor vote in the House of Delegates.
• q. House Bill 1 is introduced in the Senate, where it has its first reading and is referred to the Finance Committee.
• r. The Economic Matters Committee votes favorably on House Bill 1.
• s. The governor considers the bill for signature or veto.
• t. House Bill 1 is introduced in the House of Delegates, where it has its first reading and is referred to the Economic Matters Committee.
• u. A conference committee – which includes three delegates and three senators – is appointed to draft a compromise bill.
• v. House Bill 1 – without the possibility of additional amendments – is debated by and receives approval from a majority of the membership in a floor vote in the Senate.

17. Why are social workers – including and especially those who engage in direct practice – well positioned to be effective advocates for policy change? What grade would you give yourself for engagement in the learning process of this course – including your preparation for and engagement in class? How might you and/or I improve your learning during the second half of the semester?

Paper For Above instruction

Social policy can be comprehensively understood through its classification into three main categories: social welfare policy, fiscal welfare policy, and occupational welfare policy, as proposed by Reisch (2014/17). Each category plays a unique role in addressing social issues and reflects distinct mechanisms of welfare provision. Social welfare policy primarily involves direct services and benefits aimed at improving individual and community well-being. An example is government-funded healthcare programs like Medicaid, which directly provide medical services to disadvantaged populations. Fiscal welfare policy pertains to government expenditures such as tax benefits that encourage social support indirectly, exemplified by the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), which supplements lower-income workers' earnings. Occupational welfare policy refers to benefits and protections provided through employment, such as occupational pensions or employee health insurance, which are often managed by employers or unions. These three categories exemplify the multifaceted structure of social policies, each addressing different aspects of welfare and social protection.

The categorization of social welfare into these three areas can be seen as a “social division of welfare,” as Richard Timuss describes, highlighting how welfare functions are divided across different institutions and societal sectors, often reflecting broader social inequalities. This division additionally underscores societal values about the roles of government, employers, and individuals in providing social safety nets and reflects underlying social hierarchies and power dynamics. Each category serves different social groups or economic classes, reinforcing the segmented nature of welfare and emphasizing ongoing debates about universalism versus targeted interventions.

Blau (2014/17) identifies five features shaping the contemporary U.S. economy that influence social policy. First, technological change has revolutionized industries and employment patterns, often reducing job stability. Second, globalization has integrated U.S. markets with the world economy, impacting manufacturing jobs and wages. Third, increasing income inequality has heightened the demand for social safety nets and prompted policy debates on redistribution. Fourth, a declining unionization rate diminishes collective bargaining power, affecting workers’ political influence. Fifth, the growth of a service-oriented economy shifts burdens onto low-wage, low-benefit sectors, influencing social policy responses. These features collectively create a complex policy environment where economic insecurity and inequality drive the demand for nuanced social programs.

In my practice as a social worker, the feature of increasing income inequality significantly shapes the policy context. It influences client access to resources, types of services available, and systemic barriers faced. For example, clients from marginalized backgrounds are often at the mercy of targeted welfare programs that may be limited, stigmatized, or underfunded. Recognizing these economic features underscores the importance of advocating for equitable social policies that address root causes of inequality and enhance social safety nets.

Blau’s (2014/17) critique of three conservative myths about social welfare emphasizes the importance of debunking misconceptions that impede progressive policy changes. One such myth is that social welfare fosters dependency among recipients, discouraging self-sufficiency. Blau argues this myth is false; empirical evidence indicates most welfare recipients use assistance temporarily and actively seek employment opportunities. Understanding and debunking such myths is vital for fostering informed public debates and promoting policies that support rather than stigmatize vulnerable populations.

According to Blau and Schiele (2014/17), social policies play a dual role: providing basic needs and acting as mechanisms of social control. Focusing on the housing sector illustrates this. Public housing programs boost profits for private contractors through construction and management contracts, often aligned with capitalist interests. Simultaneously, these programs disproportionately regulate the lives of people of color by maintaining segregation or limiting mobility, reinforcing racial and economic inequalities. These policies, therefore, serve economic interests while perpetuating existing social hierarchies, exemplifying how welfare reforms are intertwined with broader systemic controls.

Reisch (2014/17) and Warde (2017) reveal key features of the Elizabethan Poor Laws and subsequent reforms: the notion of local responsibility, the distinction between “deserving” and “undeserving” poor, the requirement of residence or vagrancy, the emphasis on moral justification, and the stigmatization of aid recipients. These features persist in current policies through localized administration, conditional assistance, and moralistic narratives that influence public perception and policy design, often resulting in punitive or restrictive welfare systems.

Roll (2014/17) discusses social changes like increased participation of women in paid labor and shifts in gender norms. For example, the entry of women into the workforce challenged traditional gender roles, leading to reconfigured societal expectations and economic dynamics. These changes are interconnected, as women's economic independence influenced social views on gender and family structures, contributing to ongoing debates about gender equity and social policies that support working families.

Reisch and Warde outline seven stages of policy development: agenda-setting, policy formulation, adoption, implementation, evaluation, termination, and reform. Each stage involves distinct activities, such as identifying issues, developing options, enacting laws, executing programs, assessing outcomes, discontinuing ineffective policies, and making adjustments. An effective advocate at each stage targets relevant policymakers, presents evidence, mobilizes public support, and builds coalitions to influence policy decisions and implementation.

Collins (2007) describes three dimensions of oppression: institutional (systemic structures that reinforce inequality), symbolic (cultural representations and stereotypes), and individual (personal biases and behaviors). In social welfare, these dimensions manifest through policies that systematically disadvantage marginalized groups (institutional), perpetuate stereotypes (symbolic), and influence personal interactions (individual). For example, welfare policies with eligibility criteria rooted in racial biases reflect these interconnected oppressions.

Unintended consequences of policies often arise from incomplete understanding or implementation flaws. For example, drug testing requirements for welfare recipients aimed at reducing fraud may lead to stigmatization and reduced access to aid without significantly deterring misuse. To avoid this, policymakers should incorporate comprehensive impact assessments and stakeholder input to anticipate and mitigate adverse outcomes.

Social problems can be socially constructed in various ways; for instance, defining homelessness strictly as a result of individual failure leads to solutions focusing on criminalization or temporary shelters. Conversely, framing homelessness as a systemic issue influenced by affordable housing shortages shifts solutions toward long-term policy interventions. Articulating problems differently influences policy options, emphasizing the importance of framing in policy analysis.

Concepts in policy analysis include:

• a. Universal benefit: a service available to all regardless of income, such as public education.
• b. Means-tested benefit: aid provided based on income or need, like food stamps.
• c. Population-at-risk: groups vulnerable to certain social issues, e.g., children at risk of neglect.
• d. Inclusiveness of coverage: extent to which services reach diverse populations.
• e. Horizontal adequacy: equitable provision of services across similar groups.
• f. Vertical adequacy: sufficient level of benefits considering needs.
• g. Horizontal equity: treating equals equally within policy applications.
• h. Vertical equity: treating unequal cases differently to achieve fairness.

The progressivity of taxes, where higher incomes are taxed at higher rates, does not translate to a disproportionate tax burden across all income groups due to tax expenditures and varying effective rates. Tax expenditures include deductions and credits that lower taxable income for certain groups, often benefiting the wealthy. Marginal rates are the taxes on the last dollar earned, while effective rates are the overall percentage paid across total income, often lower due to deductions. Despite progressivity, wealthier individuals often pay less proportionally due to these mechanisms, leading to a roughly equal contribution when considering total income and tax share.

Economic theories recommend different government responses during recessions. Keynesian theory advocates increasing government spending and lowering taxes to stimulate demand, arguing that government intervention can offset reduced private sector activity. Supply-side economics suggests tax cuts for businesses and the wealthy to incentivize investment and expansion, believing this will stimulate the economy indirectly. Marxist critique views both approaches as failing to address underlying class inequalities, emphasizing that crises are rooted in capitalist exploitation and that reforms should fundamentally challenge these structures.

Policy devolution refers to transferring authority from federal to state and local governments. An example is Medicaid expansion decisions made at state levels. Privatization involves shifting services or assets from public to private sectors, such as contracting out public housing management. Both trends raise concerns about accountability, equity, and access to services, impacting vulnerable populations but also potentially increasing efficiency and innovation. Recognizing these shifts is essential for advocacy and ensuring that reforms serve social justice goals.

Mandatory spending includes legally required expenditures like Social Security and Medicare, while discretionary spending covers programs like defense or education, decided annually through appropriations. The distinction is significant because it affects budget stability and policy priorities; mandatory programs are less flexible and often consume larger portions of the budget, limiting capacity for discretionary investments or adjustments.

The legislative process involves multiple stages: drafting, committee hearings, debate, amendments, voting, conference negotiations, and executive approval. To advocate effectively, at the committee stage, engaging lawmakers with evidence and constituent support can influence amendments; during debate, framing issues persuasively is key; in conferences, coalition-building ensures acceptance of compromises; and at final voting, mobilizing public opinion can secure passage.

Social workers are uniquely positioned as advocates because they possess direct understanding of client needs, systemic barriers, and community dynamics. Their ethical commitments to social justice, combined with professional skills, enable them to articulate compelling policy arguments and mobilize community support effectively.

Self-assessment of engagement varies, but continuous reflection and feedback can enhance learning. To improve in the latter half of the semester, I could deepen my research, participate more actively in discussions, and seek mentorship or peer feedback to refine my understanding and advocacy skills.

References

• Reisch, M. (2014/17). Social policy: Responsibilities and practice. Routledge.
• Blau, J. (2014/17). *The sociology of social