Textbook: Minimum Of 1 Scholarly Source (in Addition To The ✓ Solved

Textbook: Minimum of 1 scholarly source (in addition to the textbook)

Textbook: Minimum of 1 scholarly source (in addition to the textbook) Whitman Cobb, W. N. (2020). Political science today (1st ed.). Washington, DC: Sage, CQ Press theory (pp. 51–61). New York, NY: Routledge. one page Initial Post Instructions Political socialization begins young. Think about conversations around politics when you were in primary school (around age 10). Maybe there was a natural disaster in your area such as a hurricane and government response levels were critiqued. What were some of the ways you learned about the political establishment through family members and friends? How were you politically socialized as a child? Use evidence (cite sources) to support your response from assigned readings or online lessons, and at least one outside scholarly source.

Paper For Above Instructions

Political socialization is the lifelong process by which individuals learn political norms, values, and behaviors. In reflecting on childhood experiences around age 10, we can see how early family discussions, school environments, local media, and community events shape a developing sense of politics. The prompt invites us to consider how conversations about politics—perhaps spurred by a local disaster such as a hurricane and the ensuing government response—contribute to the formation of political attitudes. The foundational readings in political science today emphasize that political socialization begins early and is transmitted through family, peers, schools, and broader institutions, with the media increasingly playing a role as children grow older (Cobb, 2020). The question also asks for at least one outside scholarly source to complement the textbook, which aligns with the broader literature that highlights multiple socialization channels and the cumulative effect of early experiences on later political participation and attitudes (Almond & Verba, 1963).

From the perspective of family influence, early conversations about political events, community safety, and the functioning of local government often occur in the home or during neighborhood gatherings. Parents and close relatives model civic engagement—attending community meetings, voting, discussing policy concerns, and critiquing government decisions. This aligns with classic theories of political socialization, which argue that the family serves as the primary conduit for political values and norms during childhood, shaping long-term political orientations (Almond & Verba, 1963). In many households, discussions around catastrophe management, such as hurricane responses, become practical case studies that demonstrate how political institutions respond to crises, how resources are allocated, and who bears the consequences. These early accounts contribute to a basic framework for evaluating political authority, legitimacy, and trust in institutions (Putnam, 2000).

Peer interactions also influence political socialization by providing exposure to diverse viewpoints and non-family sources of information. As children interact with friends and classmates, they encounter different interpretations of events, which can either reinforce or challenge family-derived beliefs. Scholarly work on political socialization emphasizes the role of peers and secondary socialization agents in expanding political knowledge and sharpening judgment, particularly as media consumption increases in later childhood and adolescence (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996). This aligns with the broader idea that learning occurs through observation, discussion, and participation in civic life, even at a young age (Verba, Nie, & Kim, 1978).

School experiences also contribute to political socialization. Civics education, classroom discussions about government, and exposure to current events provide structured opportunities to learn about political processes, the roles of institutions, and the responsibilities of citizenship. Classic political socialization research found that education correlates with greater political knowledge and more nuanced attitudes about governance, suggesting that schools help bridge informal family socialization with broader civic understanding (Campbell, Converse, Miller, & Stokes, 1960). In addition, the school context often reinforces norms of civic participation, such as following public affairs, engaging in debates, and understanding how to access government services.

Disaster-related events, such as a hurricane, can intensify political socialization by highlighting the link between politics and daily life. When government response levels are critiqued—whether about preparedness, relief distribution, or communication—young observers witness the practical consequences of political choices. This can cultivate early expectations about accountability, competence, and trust in public institutions. The experience can also illuminate how citizens mobilize, demand information, and participate in local or national conversations about policy decisions. In the broader literature, mass political socialization is shaped by the perceived efficacy of engagement and the perceived responsiveness of political actors, which can be influenced by real-world crises (Cobb, 2020).

From an evidence-based perspective, the combination of textbook theory and outside scholarly sources supports the claim that early experiences influence later political attitudes and behaviors. Classic foundational work on political socialization shows how long-term attitudes develop through repeated exposure to political cues from family, peers, schools, and media (Almond & Verba, 1963). Over time, these cues accumulate, producing variations in political knowledge, trust in institutions, and propensity to participate in civic life (Putnam, 2000). Contemporary scholarship extends these insights by emphasizing the role of information environments and digital media in shaping political conversations among children and adolescents (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996).

In assessing my own childhood socialization, I recall family discussions during meals following news about local events or disasters. My parents would explain how local governments respond, how relief funds are distributed, and how community organizations support affected residents. These conversations framed my understanding of accountability and the responsibilities of political actors. I also remember participating in school activities that involved mock elections, debates about school policies, and lessons on the structure of government. These experiences align with the literature that identifies family, education, and peer networks as central in shaping early political orientations (Jennings & Niemi, 1981). The combination of home discourse and school-based civic activities likely contributed to a basic sense of civic duty and an awareness of how political decisions impact everyday life (Campbell et al., 1960).

To further illuminate these ideas, I would reference additional scholarly work that emphasizes how early socialization affects later political participation. The Civic Culture framework argues that enduring civic attitudes emerge from a balance of political participation and acceptance of political authority, a balance that begins to form in childhood through family and school experiences (Almond & Verba, 1963). Later research demonstrates that social capital and community engagement—through organizations, volunteering, and social networks—are related to sustained political involvement in adulthood (Putnam, 2000). Other studies show that political knowledge and engagement are shaped by the information environment, including media and school-based curricula (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996). Taken together, these sources suggest that the early socialization process described in this prompt is consistent with longstanding theories of how citizens acquire political values and behaviors.

In conclusion, the prompt invites a reflective examination of how childhood conversations, observed crises, and early schooling contribute to political socialization. The evidence from Cobb (2020) in combination with classic and contemporary scholarly work indicates that family discussion, educational experiences, peer interactions, and real-world political events collectively shape a child’s attitudes toward government, trust in institutions, and willingness to participate in civic life. The hurricane example illustrates how crisis contexts can crystallize understanding of political processes and accountability, while the broader literature underscores the enduring impact of early socialization on political life.

References

• Cobb, W. N. Whitman. (2020). Political science today (1st ed.). Washington, DC: Sage, CQ Press.
• Almond, G. A., & Verba, S. (1963). The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Boston, MA: Little, Brown.
• Campbell, D., Converse, P. E., Miller, W. E., & Stokes, D. (1960). The American Voter. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
• Delli Carpini, M. X., & Keeter, S. (1996). What Americans Know About Politics and Why It Matters. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
• Jennings, M. K., & Niemi, R. G. (1981). Generations and Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
• Milbrath, L. W., & Goel, M. (1977). Political Attitudes and Political Behavior. Chicago, IL: Rand McNally.
• Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
• Verba, S., Nie, N., & Kim, J. (1978). Participation and Political Equality. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
• Zaller, J. (1992). The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
• Hess, R. D., & Torney, J. V. (1967). The Development of Political Attitudes in Children. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.