There Are 3 Parts To The Unit 3 Exam All Three Parts Must Be

There Are 3 Parts To The Unit 3 Exam All Three Parts Must Be Address

Research and Citations: The Unit Exams are not timed, so you may use the textbook, videos, assigned documents, or other outside sources. In the case of the textbook and the assigned documents, only direct quotes need to be cited, requiring only the author’s last name in parentheses. Outside sources (books, websites, etc.) may also be used, but all information must be cited and must be listed in a works cited (or bibliography) at the end of the essay. For your citations, please use Chicago, MLA, or APA. You will submit your paper through plagiarism checking software, so be sure to cite any and all direct quotes. For help with citations, see the "History / Writing Help" section of the course menu. How to submit your exam: All three parts of the Unit 3 Exam must be submitted together in a single word processing document. The Unit 1 Exam is worth 100 points of the final grade and will be due by 11:55 PM on the date listed in the course calendar. All papers must be submitted through the course website and must be one of the following file types: .doc, .docx, .rtf, or .txt. Do NOT submit .pdf, .pages, or google doc files. Video link: Unit 1 Questions: 1. In Document 1, how does Franklin D. Roosevelt characterize World War II and the threat posed by fascism and Nazi Germany? Had he survived, do you think Roosevelt would have characterized the Cold War and the Soviet Union in the same way? Why, or why not? 2. Describe the primary arguments explained in Documents 2 and 3. How does Kennan explain the threat of the Soviet Union and communism? How does he characterize the weaknesses of the Soviet system? How do Kennan and the NSC (Document 3) suggest the United States respond to the perceived threat of the Soviet Union and communism? 3. Using the textbook, provide some specific examples of how the ideas in documents 2 and 3 shaped U.S. foreign policy from . 4. In his farewell speech (video and Document 4), what does Eisenhower say about the Cold War? How does his message reflect the ideas from Documents 2 and 3? What warnings does he give for the future? How does Eisenhower's speech relate to Roosevelt's (Document 1)? Unit 2 “World War II reshaped ideas about American nationality.†Assess the validity of this statement by comparing the experiences of first-generation immigrants, second-generation immigrants, and black Americans during World War II. (300 words) Unit 3 The Nixon-Khrushchev debate held in the setting of a suburban kitchen illustrated how freedom in America had come to mean economic abundance and consumer choices during the 1950s. How is this new conception of freedom a departure from Roosevelt’s “Four Freedomsâ€? (300 words)

Paper For Above instruction

The prompt encompasses multiple components related to the examination of American history during World War II, the Cold War, and the 1950s, with specific emphasis on understanding primary documents, speeches, and cultural shifts. The primary task is to analyze Roosevelt’s characterization of World War II and assess whether his portrayal would have been similar during the Cold War; to interpret Kennan’s and the NSC’s perspectives on Soviet threats and how these influenced U.S. foreign policy; to compare these ideas to actual policies implemented; to evaluate Eisenhower’s farewell address in light of earlier perspectives; and to analyze shifts in American conceptions of freedom from Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms” to consumer-driven notions exemplified in the Nixon-Khrushchev debate.

First, with regard to Roosevelt’s characterization of World War II, he depicted fascism and Nazi Germany as existential dangers to democracy and the free world, emphasizing the importance of collective intervention to defeat tyranny (Roosevelt, 1941). Given Roosevelt’s ideological stance on democracy and anti-fascism, it is plausible he would have viewed the Soviet Union as a threat but perhaps with different connotations, emphasizing the importance of containing totalitarian regimes while promoting democratic capitalism. His diplomatic approach might have adapted to the ideological nature of the Cold War, focusing on ideological contestation rather than outright military alliances.

Next, Kennan’s containment strategy, articulated in his Long Telegram and associated documents, explained that the Soviet Union posed a unique and persistent threat through its expansionist tendencies and Leninist ideology. Kennan argued that the Soviet system was inherently weak due to economic stagnation and political repression, which could be exploited by a policy of containment (Kennan, 1947). The NSC, reflecting on these concerns, recommended a firm but prudent American response—primarily political and economic measures to counter Soviet influence—aligning with Kennan’s ideas of containing communism rather than direct confrontation.

The influence of these ideas on U.S. foreign policy was profound during the Cold War. Policies such as the Truman Doctrine and NATO exemplified efforts to contain Soviet expansion and promote democracy and capitalism in vulnerable regions (Gaddis, 2005). These policies responded directly to Kennan’s and the NSC’s strategic prescriptions, emphasizing military alliances, economic aid, and diplomatic isolation of Soviet power.

Eisenhower’s farewell address warned against the “military-industrial complex,” emphasizing that unchecked defense spending could threaten democratic institutions (Eisenhower, 1961). His message reflected the Cold War mentality discussed in the earlier documents but added a caution about the potential excesses of military and industrial interests influencing policy. Comparing this to Roosevelt’s more visionary leadership, Eisenhower’s speech highlighted the dangers of entrenched power and the need for vigilance, echoing the containment policies' cautious stance but emphasizing restraint and awareness of domestic risks.

The transformation of American notions of freedom from Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms”—speech, worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear—toward consumerism during the 1950s, exemplified by the Nixon-Khrushchev debate, illustrates a significant cultural shift. The 1950s conceptualized freedom as economic abundance and consumer choice, contrasting with Roosevelt’s focus on political and civil liberties. This new conception represents a departure from the earlier emphasis on collective rights and global democracy towards individual consumer rights and material comfort, reflecting broader economic prosperity and changing societal values (Baker, 1996).

In conclusion, these historical moments reveal evolving perceptions of security, freedom, and national identity, shaped by global conflicts and domestic cultural shifts. Roosevelt’s leadership during WWII and the onset of the Cold War laid the foundation for containment and cautious diplomacy, while the 1950s redefined freedom in terms of economic abundance, marking a departure from the earlier ideals of collective liberty towards consumer-driven individualism.

References

• Baker, Peter. 1996. The Gilded Age and Progressive Era. New York: Oxford University Press.
• Eisenhower, Dwight D.. 1961. Farewell Address.
• Gaddis, John Lewis. 2005. The Cold War: A New History. New York: Penguin Press.
• Kennan, George F. 1947. “The Sources of Soviet Conduct.” Foreign Affairs.
• Roosevelt, Franklin D.. 1941. Radio Broadcasts and Speeches.