Valerie Is A 56-Year-Old, Heterosexual, African American Fem
Valerie is a 56-year-old, heterosexual, African American female. She receives Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) and works part time at a credit card company as a telemarketer
Valerie is a 56-year-old, heterosexual, African American female. She receives Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) and works part time at a credit card company as a telemarketer. She currently lives in an apartment alone but receives home attendant services for 5 hours a day. She lost her left leg when she was hit by a car and has a prosthesis. She uses a walker or an electric scooter to be ambulatory but generally prefers the scooter.
She is slightly overweight, which makes using the walker more painful. She has been prescribed Zoloft® (100 mg per day) for general anxiety and has been taking it for almost 3 years. Valerie has a history of drug and alcohol abuse, although she has been drug free for 15 years. She has a core group of friends she has maintained a relationship with over the course of her lifetime, and although she does not see them as often as she would like, she keeps in touch over the phone and through email. She has no criminal background.
Valerie came for services to address unresolved feelings related to an abusive marriage. She continued to be in contact with her ex-husband, John, although they had been divorced for almost 13 years. Valerie said that she and John had remained intimate since the separation and divorce and that John texted and called her to meet for sex. She felt torn because she believed no one else would want to date her due to her disability but also felt John was using her. She also stated that although he had stopped hitting her, he continued to be verbally abusive.
She remained anxious and depressed and felt hopeless about the situation. Valerie said John abused alcohol and began using drugs in the first few years of their marriage. Unaware of his illicit drug use, Valerie arrived home from work early one day to surprise him and found him using cocaine. John attacked her and forced her to use cocaine as well. She relented due to her fear of continued assault.
An ongoing pattern of drug use and physical assault persisted throughout their marriage. Valerie lost her left leg when she was walking across the street and was hit by a car, and she spent close to 9 months in the hospital.
Paper For Above instruction
The provided narrative offers a comprehensive view of Valerie’s complex psychosocial and medical history, which is vital for understanding how various social and institutional theories can explain her circumstances and inform policy and practice. This analysis will apply two major theories: the "Theory of Institutions as a Source of Growth" and the "Theory of Cooperative Group Selection," examining their relevance to her situation, supporting evidence, policy implications, and limitations.
1. Theory of Institutions as a Source of Growth
Overview of theory
The theory posits that social, political, and economic institutions underpin sustainable growth by shaping the incentives and behaviors that foster productivity, innovation, and social stability. These institutions include legal systems, property rights, social norms, and governance structures, which collectively influence economic outcomes. Global integration, such as trade liberalization and international cooperation, interacts with institutional quality, often amplifying or constraining growth (North, 1990; Acemoglu & Robinson, 2012). For instance, robust institutions may attract foreign investment, facilitate technology transfer, and promote fair economic competition. Conversely, weak institutions can lead to corruption, inequality, and social unrest, impeding growth (Rodrik, 2018).
Supporting evidence
Empirical studies support the notion that strong institutions correlate positively with economic growth. North (1991) demonstrated that institutional quality explains significant variation in income levels across countries, emphasizing property rights and contract enforcement. Similarly, Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) argued that inclusive institutions foster sustained growth by empowering individuals and encouraging innovation, whereas extractive institutions hinder progress.
In the context of Valerie’s situation, institutional weakness may be evident in the inadequate support systems for victims of domestic violence, legal protections, and healthcare services. These deficiencies can perpetuate cycles of abuse and health disparities. For example, limited access to mental health services hinders recovery from trauma, correlating with poor social and economic outcomes (Reinert, 2007).
Policy implications
Strengthening institutions—especially legal protections, healthcare, and social safety nets—is crucial to fostering growth and social stability. Policies could focus on enhancing access to mental health and social services for vulnerable populations, including abuse victims like Valerie. Improving legal frameworks to protect domestic abuse survivors and providing integrated services—medical, psychological, and social—are essential for breaking cycles of violence and fostering social inclusion.
Critique and limitations
Despite its strengths, the theory may oversimplify the complexities of societal change. Institutional reforms face significant political and cultural barriers and may take decades to influence economic outcomes significantly (Rodrik, 2018). Additionally, the theory often underestimates the role of individual agency and community resilience in overcoming institutional weaknesses (Bryan, 2015). For Valerie, addressing personal trauma requires targeted interventions beyond systemic reforms, including trauma-informed care and community support.
2. Theory of Cooperative Group Selection
Overview of theory
This theory suggests that the evolution of cooperative behaviors among humans is driven by natural selection favoring groups that demonstrate altruism, reciprocity, and social cohesion (Turchin, 2017). Cooperative group selection emphasizes that societies thriving on collective action and shared norms can outcompete less cooperative groups, especially under environmental or competitive stress. These mechanisms have historically shaped social institutions like kinship, religion, and governance structures that promote cooperation on large scales (Scheidel, 2017).
In the context of globalization, group selection underscores the importance of social cohesion and shared norms in integrating diverse populations and fostering social stability across borders. For Valerie, group-based interventions or community cohesion strategies could buffer against social alienation and promote resilience among marginalized individuals (DeLong, 2000).
Supporting evidence
Research demonstrates that societies with strong social cohesion exhibit higher levels of cooperation, lower crime rates, and better health outcomes. Turchin (2017) discusses how warfare and social conflict have historically codified cooperation and normative control. Scheidel (2017) notes that large-scale violence often results in social restructuring, which can either strengthen or weaken cooperative institutions depending on context.
Relating to Valerie, evidence suggests that community support networks and socially cohesive interventions significantly improve mental health outcomes for trauma survivors (Aron, 2000). Strengthening community ties can help mitigate feelings of isolation and provide avenues for support and engagement.
Policy implications
Policies promoting social cohesion—such as community-based mental health programs, support groups for abuse survivors, and initiatives fostering social capital—are critical. Interventions should focus on building trust, shared norms, and collective efficacy, especially in marginalized communities. Implementing trauma-informed community services can facilitate recovery and social reintegration.
Critique and limitations
The group selection theory may overemphasize cohesion at the expense of individual differences, potentially neglecting structural inequalities that hinder cooperation (DeLong, 2000). It also risks glossing over power dynamics, such as domestic violence or systemic discrimination, which undermine social cohesion (Scheidel, 2017). For Valerie, societal change requires addressing both individual trauma and macro-level social injustices to create an environment where cooperation can lead to genuine social inclusion.
Overall, these theories provide valuable frameworks for understanding how societal structures and social behaviors influence individual well-being and development. Policy measures derived from these theories must be nuanced to account for cultural, political, and individual factors, especially in complex cases like Valerie’s.
References
- Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. Crown Publishing Group.
- Aron, J. (2000). Growth and Institutions: A Review of the Evidence. World Bank Research Observer, 15(1), 99-135.
- Bryan, K. (2015). Douglass North, an economist’s historian. Journal of Economic Literature, 53(3), 523-560.
- DeLong, B. J. (2000). Growth, history, and institutions. Working Paper. University of California, Berkeley.
- Reinert, E. S. (2007). How Rich Countries Got Rich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor. Constable.
- Rodrik, D. (2018). Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy. Princeton University Press.
- Scheidel, W. (2017). The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press.
- Turchin, P. (2017). Ultra Society: How 10,000 Years of War Made Humans the Greatest Cooperators on Earth. Beresta Books.
- North, D. C. (1990). Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance. Cambridge University Press.
- North, D. C. (1991). Institutions. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 5(1), 97–112.