Western Bourgeois Civilization, Bourgeois Democracy, And The

Western Bourgeois Civilization Bourgeois Democracy And The Plan For

Western bourgeois civilization, bourgeois democracy and the plan for a bourgeois republic have all gone bankrupt in the eyes of the Chinese people. Bourgeois democracy has given way to people’s democracy under the leadership of the working class and the bourgeois republic to the people’s republic. This has made it possible to achieve socialism and communism through the people’s republic, to abolish classes and enter a world of Great Harmony. Kang Yu-wei wrote Ta Tung Shu, or the Book of Great Harmony, but he did not and could not find the way to achieve Great Harmony. There are bourgeois republics in foreign lands, but China cannot have a bourgeois republic because she is a country suffering under imperialist oppression.

The only way is through a people’s republic led by the working class. All other ways have been tried and failed. Of the people who hankered after those ways, some have fallen, some have awakened and some are changing their ideas. Events are developing so swiftly that many feel the abruptness of the change and the need to learn anew. This state of mind is understandable and we welcome this worthy desire to learn anew.

The vanguard of the Chinese proletariat learned Marxism-Leninism after the October Revolution and founded the Communist Party of China. It entered at once into political struggles and only now, after a tortuous course of twenty-eight years, has it won basic victory. From our twenty-eight years’ experience we have drawn a conclusion similar to the one Sun Yat-sen drew in his testament from his “experience of forty years”: that is, we are deeply convinced that to win victory, we must arouse the masses of the people and unite in a common struggle with those nations of the world which treat us as equals. Sun Yatsen had a world outlook different from ours and started from a different class standpoint in studying and tackling problems; yet, in the 1920s he reached a conclusion basically the same as ours on the question of how to struggle against imperialism.

Twenty-four years have passed since Sun Yat-sen’s death, and the Chinese revolution, led by the Communist Party of China, has made tremendous advances both in theory and practice and has radically changed the face of China. Up to now the principal and fundamental experience the Chinese people have gained is twofold: (1) Internally, arouse the masses of the people. That is, unite the working class, the peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie, form a domestic united front under the leadership of the working class, and advance from this to the establishment of a state which is a people’s democratic dictatorship under the leadership of the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants. (2) Externally, unite in a common struggle with those nations of the world which treat us as equals and unite with the peoples of all countries.

That is, ally ourselves with the Soviet Union, with the People’s Democracies and with the proletariat and the broad masses of the people in all other countries, and form an international united front.

Paper For Above instruction

The evolution of Chinese political thought and practice underscores a fundamental shift from bourgeois democracy towards a revolutionary socialist state governed by the people’s democratic dictatorship under the leadership of the working class. Mao Zedong’s discourse on the strategic necessity of leaning towards socialism, repudiating bourgeois republics, and resisting imperialist and reactionary forces reveals the ideological backbone of Chinese revolutionary strategy. This transition is not merely ideological but reflected in practical decision-making rooted in historic experiences, both domestic and international, and shaped by the necessity to break free from imperialist exploitation and domination.

Mao’s emphasis on the failure of bourgeois democracy and bourgeois republics in the Chinese context highlights the inadequacies of capitalist and bourgeois ruling classes to sustain national independence and social progress under imperialist subjugation. As Mao elucidates, the bourgeois republics—though present in many countries—are incompatible with China's realities because they perpetuate imperialist dominance and serve bourgeois interests. In contrast, a people’s republic led by the working class offers a revolutionary pathway to socialism—aiming at the abolition of classes, liquidation of imperialist influences, and realization of a harmonious society, or 'Great Harmony,' as envisioned historically but not achieved in bourgeois paradigms (Mao, 1949).

Historically, Chinese revolutionary leaders, from Sun Yat-sen to Mao, have recognized that internal unity and international alliances are critical to achieving national liberation and social transformation. Sun Yat-sen’s principle of uniting with nations that treat China as an equal echoes Mao’s emphasis on uniting with socialist states and international proletariat movements (Sun, 1924). Mao’s assertion that victory cannot be achieved without international support underscores the interconnectedness of revolutionary struggles and the importance of forging a united front against imperialism and reactionary forces globally (Mao, 1949).

Mao’s discourse further emphasizes the importance of class struggle within China, advocating for a People’s Democratic Dictatorship as a necessary tool to suppress reactionary classes, particularly landlords and bureaucrat-capitalists, and to facilitate social transformation towards socialism. The dictatorship functions as a means to protect the revolutionary gains and facilitate the abolition of old exploitative social structures. He advocates for a form of democracy that is carefully limited to the masses, combined with a dictatorship over reactionaries to prevent counterrevolution and imperialist sabotage (Mao, 1949).

Furthermore, Mao’s critique of bourgeois democracy as a monopoly of bourgeoisie interests illustrates his rejection of capitalist political systems incapable of serving the working class and peasantry. Instead, Mao champions a revolutionary democracy rooted in the people's power, advocating for self-education and remolding of classes through labor and state intervention. This approach ensures the consolidation of socialist goals and prevents reactionary resurgence (Mao, 1949).

The practical implications of Mao’s strategy involve strengthening state institutions such as the army, police, and courts, which serve as tools of revolutionary class suppression and social progress. At the same time, Mao emphasizes the importance of ideological education, economic development, and socialization of agriculture, all crucial to transitioning from a semi-feudal, semi-colonial society to a socialist and eventually communist society. Socialization of agriculture, in particular, is essential for stabilizing the rural economy and enabling full socialization, which Mao asserts are prerequisites for the eventual realization of Great Harmony (Mao, 1949).

In conclusion, Mao’s articulation of the nature of bourgeois democracy and the strategic necessity of a people’s democratic dictatorship forms the ideological foundation for China’s revolutionary development. This framework aims at overcoming imperialist and reactionary obstacles through unified class struggle, international solidarity, and a robust revolutionary state apparatus guided by Marxist-Leninist principles. As Mao demonstrates, genuine victory depends on unwavering adherence to these principles, resisting illusions of bourgeois democracy, and emphasizing the importance of international proletariat solidarity in achieving socialist dreams of Great Harmony and societal equality.

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