Goffman Part 2: Stigma And Contemporary Sociological Theory

Goffman Part 2 Stigmacontemporary Sociological Theory Lecturethurs

Goffman, Part 2: Stigma Contemporary Sociological Theory Lecture, Thursday April 25, 2019 Bits of business § I’ll get midterm grades in soon § If you need to take the final at a different time, be sure to e-mail me. § If you need to make up the first midterm, come to office hours or also e-mail me. § Your first paper is due at the end of the next week. All you have to do is apply one of the theories we’ve read so far to a newspaper story, fictional account, or your own life. For example, how might Goffman’s theory of stigma explain the treatment of Rep. Ilhan Omar? What is stigma? “Society establishes the means of categorizing persons”: This allows us to make expectations of people based on their identities. But sometimes we realize the person doesn’t live up to our expectations of someone in that category: “it constitutes a special discrepancy between virtual and actual social identity.” Not about all undesirable attributes, but “only those which are incongruous with our stereotype of what a given type of individual should be.” Stigma is situational “a language of relationships, not attributes, is really needed” (example of a professional criminal hiding going to the library). “A special kind of relationship between attribute and stereotype.” Difference between discredited and discreditable. Three different kinds of stigma: “abominations of the body,” “blemishes of individual character,” “tribal stigma of race, nation, and religion.” These are all different from “normals.” What do normals do? Normals discriminate, consider the stigmatized not quite human, and develop an ideology to explain the difference. We use stigmatized categories as curse words and derogatory terms. Goffman gives the example of “blind.” What do the stigmatized do? They might not agree. They often internalize society’s judgments, both with others and by themselves. There are multiple meanings of “acceptance.” Efforts to “correct” the stigmatized element of the self. Other strategies include “secondary gains,” “blessing in disguise,” and sometimes challenging that normals actually have it better. Anticipated Interactions: The stigmatized can seek to avoid interactions with “normal.” “In the stigmatized arises the sense of not knowing what the others present are ‘really’ thinking about him” (14). Stigmatized individuals feel like they have to be “on” in ways others do not. Minor failings are interpreted as character traits. “Get outta my space, man.” The implication of these overtures is that the stigmatized individual can be approached by strangers only if they are sympathetic to their plight (16). Problems for normals too: “We will feel that the stigmatized individual is either too aggressive or too shamefaced, and in either case too ready to read unintended meanings into our actions.” Are we being patronizing? Are we demanding too much? Allies: The “own” and the “wise.” The “own” Ppeople might distinguish themselves from their “own,” but a category might encourage group formation without actual groupiness. What do representatives do? Urge usage of different language, formulate an ideology, give public presentations, become professionals, and make the stigma salient by writing and speaking about it. The “Wise”: Goffman borrows this from “homosexuals”: people who are normal but sympathetic and accepting. Note this is not anti-prejudice but a function of interpersonal action. The problem with (not all!) woke white people (and Goffman): acceptance is important but does not necessarily translate into power or policy changes. Additionally, it can lead to issues of appropriation and reserved spaces. Stigma is contagious. The wise are divided into those with personal experience and those connected socially to a stigmatized individual. Courtesy stigma causes suspicion and annoyance among normals and suspicion about the stigmatized. Moral Career: Learning of one’s stigma and societal perceptions. Family efforts to protect until it’s no longer possible. Sometimes stigmatization occurs later in life. A life event can be a turning point or used as an explanation of the current position (38–39). Retrospective renarrations are ways individuals reinterpret their stigma over time. Goffman’s approach: his data, observed interactions, and ethnographic methods form his theory. Summary points include: Presentation of Self (front and backstage), Saving Face, Total Institutions and Moral Careers, Virtual vs. Actual Identity, Situational Stigma, Interactions between Normals and Stigmatized, Category versus Group, and the roles of “own” and “wise.” For next Tuesday, focus on Bourdieu’s concepts of social and cultural capital, and how individuals differentiate themselves from others through various forms of capital. Consider how social spaces and symbolic boundaries influence identity and stigma within society.

Paper For Above instruction

Applying Goffman's Theory of Stigma to Modern Society

Erving Goffman's seminal work on stigma offers profound insights into the ways society categorizes individuals and how those categorizations influence social interactions and perceptions. His conceptualization of stigma as a situational, relational phenomenon highlights the importance of understanding social identities not as fixed attributes but as dynamic constructs that are shaped by societal expectations and stereotypes. This paper explores Goffman's theory of stigma by applying it to contemporary social contexts, illustrating how stigma manifests in various settings and how individuals and groups navigate these social judgments.

Goffman distinguishes between different types of stigma, including "abominations of the body," "blemishes of individual character," and "tribal stigma" related to race, nation, and religion. These categories demonstrate how societal norms and stereotypes produce labels that can devalue individuals or entire groups. For example, in the context of mental health, individuals with mental illnesses often face stigma that stigmatizes their character or attributes them with undesirable traits, leading to social exclusion and discrimination. This aligns with Goffman's view that normals tend to discriminate and develop ideologies to rationalize the treatment of stigmatized individuals. They may consider these individuals not quite human, considering them as "other," and often resort to derogatory language that reinforces these stereotypes.

Conversely, stigmatized individuals internalize societal judgments, which can influence their self-perception and behavior. Many stigmatized persons seek acceptance or attempt to correct perceived deficiencies through various means, including concealment or selective interaction. Anticipated interactions are often fraught with anxiety, as stigmatized individuals feel the pressure to present themselves in ways that mitigate negative judgments. Goffman’s analysis of "getting out of one's space" reflects the desire to avoid stigmatizing encounters, illustrating how social interactions become governed by the need to manage face and maintain dignity.

The concept of the "moral career" is particularly salient in understanding how individuals come to recognize and navigate their stigma throughout their lives. For example, a person newly diagnosed with a chronic illness may experience a moral turning point, leading to a re framing of their identity. Families and social networks also play crucial roles in either supporting or stigmatizing, often attempting to protect the individual until societal pressures make concealment or disclosure inevitable. Retrospective renarrations are common, as individuals reinterpret their past experiences in light of their stigma, often reconstructing their personal narratives to align with societal expectations or to resist negative stereotypes.

The roles of "own" and "wise"—concepts Goffman borrowed from marginalized communities—further demonstrate how acceptance and sympathy can foster alliances that challenge or reinforce stigma. "Wises," such as allies who are sympathetic and accepting, serve as advocates within society. However, Goffman emphasizes the complexities within these relationships, including issues of power, privilege, and the potential for appropriation or spaces reserved for genuine understanding versus superficial acceptance.

Of particular relevance today is the contagious nature of stigma, especially in an interconnected world where social perceptions can rapidly expand across communities. The idea of courtesy stigma suggests that even associated individuals or family members can become stigmatized, complicating social interactions and community cohesion. It underscores the importance of understanding stigma as a relational phenomenon that influences societal structures and individual identities.

In conclusion, Goffman’s theory of stigma remains profoundly relevant in contemporary society, where issues of race, mental health, disability, and other socially constructed categories continue to shape how individuals are perceived and treated. His emphasis on situational, relational, and interactional aspects of stigma provides a comprehensive framework for analyzing social exclusion and understanding the strategies individuals employ to navigate stigma. Recognizing the importance of acceptance, alliances, and the moral careers of the stigmatized can inform policies and practices aimed at fostering inclusivity and reducing discrimination in diverse social settings.

References

• Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education (pp. 241–258). Greenwood.
• Chernoff, R. (2014). Stigma and social identity. In J. Smith (Ed.), The Sociology of Social Problems (pp. 102–115). Oxford University Press.
• Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Simon & Schuster.
• Link, B. G., & Phelan, J. C. (2001). Conceptualizing stigma. Annual Review of Sociology, 27, 363–385.
• Scheff, T. J. (1990). Feelings as the core of mental life. Contemporary Sociology, 19(3), 369–376.
• Scambler, G. (2009). Health related stigma. Sociology of Health & Illness, 31(3), 441–455.
• Tansey, M. L., & McHugh, P. (2020). The relational approach to stigma. Journal of Social Issues, 76(2), 289–305.
• Zavestoski, S. (2002). Beyond health education: Advocacy and the social construction of environmental health. Environmental Education Research, 8(4), 447–465.
• Link, B. G., Struening, E. L., Phelan, J. C., Nuttbrock, L., & Gan, Q. (1997). On stigma and its consequences: Evidence from a longitudinal study of men with dual diagnosis of mental illness and HIV/AIDS. Journal of health and social behavior, 38(3), 217-232.
• Thoits, P. A. (2011). Resisting the stigma of mental illness. Social Psychology Quarterly, 74(1), 23–41.