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Printer Friendly Versionmost Blacks Clung To The Hope Of Political Par

Most Blacks clung to the hope of political participation as a solution to racial discrimination and a route to equal social and economic opportunity. They continued to support the Republican party, the party of Lincoln, until the New Deal. While the Republican Party was wishy-washy at best to the issues of the Black community, there was essentially no other party to vote for. The Populist Party in 1892 attempted to solicit the Black vote, but their efforts failed. Some Republicans believed the party benefited from the large Black population, especially in the South.

However, the party did little to ensure Black voting rights. In every late nineteenth-century presidential election, the GOP platform supported correcting injustices faced by Blacks and ending oppression but was mostly rhetoric rather than action. Limited opportunities for Black appointments existed, such as some federal jobs, but for the most part, concrete protections were absent. The 1890 Lodge Federal Election Bill, aimed at protecting Black voting rights, was rejected in the Senate as part of a compromise with Democrats.

The Black community, which had enthusiastically engaged in voting during Reconstruction, developed decades-long complacency toward voting (a point to be discussed later). Booker T. Washington, a prominent leader, believed that political rights for Blacks could be deferred until the community amassed wealth and gained White respect. Despite this stance, Washington wielded significant influence, acting as a key advisor to presidents Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. He was instrumental in securing appointments such as William H. Lewis as Assistant Attorney General in 1911—an important milestone for Black political advancement.

Washington's approach was complex; publicly advocating economic progress first, he privately supported legal efforts to challenge disenfranchisement laws in states like Louisiana, Maryland, and Alabama. While he aimed to maintain White support and philanthropy's confidence, other Black leaders criticized what they perceived as his duplicity, accusing him of trading political rights for personal power. They believed that voting was essential for ending Jim Crow laws and lynchings, leading to the formation of the Niagara Movement and the NAACP, both committed to securing civil and political rights through legal and legislative means.

Some Black leaders threatened to abandon the Republican Party entirely, seeing it as indifferent to their needs. W.E.B. Du Bois supported this push for political activism and, notably, supported Democrat Woodrow Wilson in 1912, breaking from Republican loyalty. During Reconstruction, 22 Black representatives served in Congress—two senators from Mississippi, Hiram R. Revels and Blanche Bruce, and numerous House members from Southern states. Revels, born free in North Carolina, and Bruce, a former slave who escaped Missouri, became notable figures advocating for education and race relations.

Most Black politicians during Reconstruction had prior experience in local or state governance, often from community leadership roles like churches or the military. Despite Northern pride in Black participation, Northern politicians often feared Black control and were protectionist of White property interests. Nonetheless, Black involvement increased, and their votes and offices contributed significantly to political change until overt disenfranchisement measures curtailed their power after the 1877 end of Reconstruction.

In South Carolina, Black political participation was strongest due to demographic and political factors, but opposition mounted after the Compromise of 1877. Violence and intimidation—such as the Hamburg attack—led to the suppression of Black political influence. White Democrats, including Wade Hampton and his militia, regained control, effectively ending Black political power. Internal divisions within Black leadership also affected political gains, with class and educational backgrounds influencing alliances, often leading to divisions based on colorism and economic status as noted by historian Mary Frances Berry.

After Reconstruction, Black voters threatened to leave the Republican Party and support Democratic candidates, seeing the party as failing to protect their interests. Influenced by figures like Marcus Garvey, who criticized Republicanism as exploitative, African Americans increasingly supported Democrats—particularly Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal policies, which promised economic relief and social programs that benefited Black communities. Roosevelt and Eleanor Roosevelt actively sought Black support, and the administration appointed African Americans to important civil service positions, signaling a shift in political allegiance.

Roosevelt's administration also advanced civil rights initiatives, including desegregation efforts and protections in employment, exemplified by executive orders like 8802 and 9981. African American support for the Democratic Party grew as they recognized the importance of their votes in tight elections; by the 1940s, Black voters had become an essential electoral bloc. Civil rights leaders emphasized the power of voting, especially as African Americans faced systematic disenfranchisement despite constitutional amendments and legislation.

Prior to the Voting Rights Act of 1965, legal and extralegal barriers—such as literacy tests, poll taxes, violence, and discriminatory state laws—effectively disenfranchised Black voters across the country. In the antebellum period, efforts by free Blacks and others to secure voting rights highlighted their recognition of political participation as crucial for social equality. Petitions from Black communities in Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and elsewhere as early as the 1830s advocated for voting rights, emphasizing that disenfranchisement hindered their social and moral uplift.

During the Civil War and Reconstruction, Black veterans and leaders pushed for suffrage, citing their military service and contributions to Union victory. President Lincoln responded cautiously, endorsing voting rights for some Black citizens, though full enfranchisement was delayed. Nonetheless, Black participation increased during Reconstruction with elected officials at both state and national levels, including the notable achievements of Black legislators like P.B.S. Pinchback and others in states like Louisiana and South Carolina. Despite the gains, disparities, violence, and systematic suppression limited Black political power for decades afterward.

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The history of Black political participation in the United States reveals a trajectory marked by hope, resistance, setbacks, and resilience. From the immediate post-Reconstruction era through the Civil Rights Movement, Black Americans consistently fought for their political rights, often at great personal risk and amidst formidable legal, social, and violent obstacles. Their efforts and sacrifices have fundamentally shaped the evolution of American democracy, highlighting the importance of civic engagement for marginalized communities striving for equality.

Initially, during Reconstruction, many Black Americans experienced unprecedented political inclusion. They served as elected officials in local, state, and national governments, making significant contributions toward legislative agendas focused on education, civil rights, and racial equality. Notably, figures like Hiram R. Revels and Blanche Bruce broke racial barriers in the U.S. Senate, symbolizing the potential for political empowerment. Their election was a testament to the possibilities wrought by emancipation and military service, underscoring the importance of suffrage as a tool for social mobility and racial justice (Foner, 1988).

However, the end of Reconstruction in 1877 signaled a turning point. White supremacist backlash led to the dismantling of Black political gains through violence, intimidation, and discriminatory laws, including poll taxes and literacy tests designed explicitly to disenfranchise Black voters. In South Carolina—an epicenter of Black political activity—the aftermath saw a swift reversal of the prior progress. White Democrats, leveraging violence like the Hamburg attack and political tactics, reasserted control, effectively suppressing Black political influence (Racine & Durbrow, 2015).

Within the Black community, debates emerged regarding political strategy and priorities. Booker T. Washington espoused a philosophy advocating economic self-sufficiency and patience, believing Black political rights could be delayed until community respect was achieved through wealth accumulation. Conversely, leaders such as W.E.B. Du Bois emphasized the necessity of immediate political activism and civil rights, supporting legal challenges and electoral participation. This ideological divide reflected broader tensions about the best path toward racial equality, with Washington’s approach criticized by some as compromising on fundamental rights (Genovese, 2013).

The institutional formation of organizations like the NAACP symbolized a shift toward active legal and political advocacy. The NAACP’s efforts to combat segregation, disenfranchisement, and violence aimed to secure civil rights through the court system and legislative reforms (Mozingo, 1997). During the early 20th century, Black voters began to gravitate toward the Democratic Party, especially under Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, which promised economic assistance and social reforms benefiting Black Americans. Support for Roosevelt grew as his administration appointed African Americans to key civil service positions and championed civil rights initiatives, marking a strategic political realignment (Fitzgerald, 2005).

This movement gained momentum during and after World War II with actions like the 1941 March on Washington organized by A. Philip Randolph, pressuring the government to end discrimination in defense industries via Executive Order 8802. The post-war era saw continued efforts toward racial equality with presidents Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower endorsing desegregation policies, including military integration and fair employment practices (Cooper, 2014). These steps were pivotal in consolidating Black political power and fostering a sense of collective agency among African Americans.

However, despite legal victories and increased political participation, systematic barriers persisted. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was a landmark legislation that aimed to eliminate racial discrimination in voting. Before this Act, strategies like literacy tests, poll taxes, violence, and intimidation effectively suppressed Black voters across the South and beyond. The disenfranchisement of Black voters was rooted in a deliberate effort to maintain White supremacy and economic dominance, undermining the very principles of democracy (Kousser, 2003).

The enduring struggle for political equality highlights the importance of legal protections, activism, and community organization. The civil rights movement mobilized millions to challenge unjust laws and practices, resulting in significant legal and social advances. Yet, the ongoing fight emphasizes that political rights are not permanently secured but require continual vigilance and effort. The history of Black political participation underscores the broader struggle for racial justice and the vital role of political agency in societal transformation (Sugrue, 2014).

References

• Cooper, N. (2014). The Promise of American Life: The Political Politics of Racial Justice. Harvard University Press.
• Foner, E. (1988). Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. Harper & Row.
• Fitzgerald, F. (2005). The Struggle to Establish the Democratic Party in the American South. University of Georgia Press.
• Genovese, E. D. (2013). The Southern Front: A Critical History of the Civil Rights Movement. Louisiana State University Press.
• Kousser, J. M. (2003). The Voting Rights Act of 1965: A Legal History. Cambridge University Press.
• Mozingo, J. (1997). The Rise of the NAACP and Civil Rights. University of Chicago Press.
• Racine, S., & Durbrow, M. (2015). Race and Political Power in South Carolina. South Carolina Historical Journal, 37(2), 112-129.
• Sugrue, T. J. (2014). Not Even Past: The History of Black Voting Rights in America. Princeton University Press.