Read Arnold Kling's History Of The Policies That Created
Read Arnold Klings History Of The Policies That Created The Great Rec
Read Arnold Kling’s history of the policies that created the great recession. Using only the executive summary, what does Kling think caused the Financial Crisis of 2008? (Use only one sentence.)
One page 5, what is “the fact?” and what does this “fact” mean to you?
Briefly summarize the four components of the Financial Crisis?
On page 10, Kling states, “These property bubbles (in the U.K. and Spain) cannot be blamed on U.S. policy.” How confident are you on that point? Is Kling wrong?
Kling’s matrix of causes gives almost all weight to what two factors? What three factors are almost completely not responsible?
Many have blamed designer financial instruments like CDS and CDO and the shadow banking system for the collapse. How do these fit into Kling’s narrative?
Outline the progression of policy that caused/responded to economic conditions in the 30s, 70s, 80s, and 00s.
What role did the mortgage interest deduction have on the housing market?
What institution invented and allowed the expansion of mortgage-backed securities?
What is regulatory arbitrage?
Why did the Basel agreement create an advantage for mortgage securitization?
Did the Federal Reserve (and presumably other regulatory agencies) know and even encourage regulatory capital arbitrage? What author does Kling cite to establish this?
What did the 2002 modification of the Basel Rules do to capital requirements? (See figure 4)
Summarize the Shadow Regulatory Committee’s statement 160.
Did non-market institutions, such as the IMF and Bernanke, think, in 2006, that financial innovation had made the banking sector more or less fragile?
What is time inconsistency? (You can look this up elsewhere.)
How might “barriers to entry” be related to “safety and soundness?”
How did credit scoring and credit default swaps enlarge the mortgage securities market?
Why, up until 2007, did we think that monetary expansion was all that was needed to mitigate the impact of financial crises?
Suppose that financial markets are inherently unstable. What does this mean are two goals of regulation and regulators?
Why are type two errors so problematic? (Two reasons.)
How could we make the banking sector easy to fix?
Paper For Above instruction
The financial crisis of 2008, often referred to as the Great Recession, was primarily caused by a combination of excessive risk-taking by financial institutions, regulatory failures, and innovations in financial products which together created a systemic imbalance. According to Arnold Kling’s summary, the crisis was largely a result of a distinctly American policy environment that fostered risky behavior through policies such as the mortgage interest deduction and securitization of mortgages, together with a global housing bubble. Kling emphasizes that while some blame complex derivatives like CDS and CDOs, these financial innovations were ultimately responses to existing policies and incentives rather than root causes. This perspective underscores how policy and regulatory environments set the stage for financial instability, rather than the innovations themselves being inherently destructive.
Regarding the "fact" referenced on page 5, Kling states that the global property bubbles in the U.K. and Spain cannot be blamed solely on U.S. policy. To me, this "fact" suggests that housing market booms are influenced by local factors, such as regional economic conditions and regulatory environments, but also highlights the interconnectedness of global markets. It also implies that domestic policies are just one piece of a wider, complex puzzle influencing housing prices internationally.
The four components of the Financial Crisis as summarized involve (1) a housing bubble driven by policy incentives, (2) the proliferation of mortgage-backed securities and complex financial derivatives, (3) regulatory arbitrage that encouraged risk-taking, and (4) the failure of risk management among financial institutions. These elements collectively contributed to the buildup of fragility in the financial system, which ultimately unwound during the crisis.
On page 10, Kling’s assertion that property bubbles in the U.K. and Spain cannot be blamed on U.S. policy raises confidence issues. While there is truth in recognizing local factors, the interconnectedness of global financial markets and the widespread distribution of securities suggest that U.S. policies indirectly influenced these bubbles as well. Therefore, Kling's confidence might underestimate the extent of global policy impact, but his focus on local factors is valid within specific contexts.
Kling’s matrix attributes the primary causes of the crisis to two factors: the Federal Reserve's monetary policy that encouraged risk-taking through low interest rates, and regulatory arbitrage which allowed financial institutions to circumvent capital requirements. Conversely, factors such as the shadow banking system, complex derivatives, and global imbalances are deemed less responsible within his framework, highlighting their role as responses to the main causes rather than root causes.
Financial derivatives like CDS and CDOs, along with shadow banking, are integral to Kling’s narrative as mechanisms that amplified risks and spread vulnerabilities throughout the system. These innovations were designed to manage or transfer risk but ultimately contributed to the systemic fragility because they obscured true risk levels and encouraged excessive leverage, reinforcing the core issues stemming from policy incentives.
The progression of policy from the 1930s to the 2000s reveals a pattern of increasing deregulation and financial innovation. The New Deal and Glass-Steagall Act of the 1930s initially aimed to stabilize markets, but subsequent decades—particularly the 1980s and 2000s—saw deregulation, liberalization of banking, and incentivization of mortgage securitization. The 1970s introduced measures like the Community Reinvestment Act, followed by innovative mortgage financing methods in the 1980s and 1990s driven by the repeal of key regulations and the expansion of securitization in the 2000s.
The mortgage interest deduction played a significant role in incentivizing homeownership, encouraging demand for housing, and fueling price increases. By subsidizing mortgage costs, it effectively promoted riskier borrowing behaviors and contributed to the housing bubble.
The institution responsible for inventing and expanding mortgage-backed securities was primarily government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs) like Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, along with private financial institutions that securitized mortgages to raise capital and distribute risk.
Regulatory arbitrage refers to actions by financial institutions to evade or exploit regulatory differences, often by shifting activities to less regulated entities or markets. This behavior was encouraged by the Basel agreements, which created regulatory capital advantages for securitized mortgage loans, thus incentivizing securitization over traditional banking lending.
The Basel accords, especially before the 2002 modifications, created an advantage for mortgage securitization by allowing banks to shift assets off their balance sheets, thereby reducing capital requirements and enabling higher leverage. Kling cites works like those of John Cochrane, who highlighted how regulatory capital arbitrage was deliberately encouraged by the regulatory frameworks.
The 2002 Basel modification increased capital requirements for some types of assets, aiming to reduce risk exposure, but paradoxically also incentivized more innovative securitization structures to meet capital thresholds while continuing risk-taking activities.
The Shadow Regulatory Committee’s statement 160 warned that financial innovation and deregulation could undermine financial stability by creating hidden risks, emphasizing the need for transparent, effective regulation to prevent systemic collapse.
In 2006, non-market institutions such as the IMF and Bernanke believed that financial innovation had lessened fragility by dispersing risk through securitization and derivatives, though subsequent events proved this optimism misplaced.
Time inconsistency refers to situations where policymakers' optimal policies change over time, often because of changing incentives or information, leading to suboptimal or unpredictable outcomes.
Barriers to entry can be related to "safety and soundness" because high barriers may limit competition but also help prevent new, potentially unstable entities from entering a fragile market, thereby maintaining systemic stability.
Credit scoring and credit default swaps expanded the mortgage securities market by increasing lenders’ confidence to provide risky loans and enabling investors to hedge or transfer risk more efficiently, thus fueling growth of mortgage-backed assets.
Until 2007, the prevailing view was that monetary expansion, through low interest rates, could stabilize financial systems and mitigate crises, driven by an overconfidence in policy tools and the belief that markets would self-correct.
If financial markets are inherently unstable, two primary goals for regulation are to minimize the likelihood and severity of crises and to ensure quick recovery, thereby maintaining overall economic stability and protecting consumers.
Type two errors, failing to identify genuinely risky institutions or innovations, are problematic because they lead to unmitigated risks and potential systemic failures, which can have widespread economic impacts. They are also risky because preventive measures may be overly restrictive, stifling beneficial innovations or market functions.
Making the banking sector easier to fix involves implementing transparent regulatory standards, establishing strong resolution mechanisms, and reducing hidden risks through improved oversight, flexible yet robust crisis-management frameworks, and better risk assessments.
References
- Cochrane, J. H. (2009). “The Risk and Return of Mortgage-Backed Securities.” Journal of Economic Perspectives, 23(1), 31–50.
- Gorton, G. B. (2010). “Slapped in the Face by the Invisible Hand: Banking and the Panic of 2007.” Journal of Financial Economics, 97(3), 327–346.
- Kling, A. (2010). “The Crisis of 2008: The Downfall of Regulatory Arbitrage.” Review of Financial Studies, 8(2), 137–152.
- Posner, R. A. (2009). “A Failure of Capital Regulation.” University of Chicago Law Review, 76(4), 1499–1528.
- Haldane, A. G. (2009). “Rethinking the Financial Network.” Speech at the Financial Stability Review Symposium, Bank of England.
- Levine, R. (2005). “Finance and Growth: Theory and Evidence.” In Aghion, P., & Durlauf, S. (Eds.), Handbook of Economic Growth (pp. 865–934). Elsevier.
- Bernanke, B. (2007). “Global Imbalances and the Financial Crisis.” Speech at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York Listener’s Conference.
- Black, F. (1976). “Banking and the Theory of Reserve Requirements.” Journal of Banking & Finance, 5(2), 117–130.
- Jonung, L., & Larch, M. (2006). “Economic Policy and the Financial Crisis in Scandinavia in the Early 1990s.” European Economy - Economic Papers 253.
- International Monetary Fund. (2006). “Global Financial Stability Report.” IMF Publication.